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you need to learn, all that you need to 
the houf of trial, in the 
trteci and ie&f 

^iit atrer 

be the proud 

For naught but courage secureth 
<> blest, highest prize. Let CO' 


ill & CO., I'l BUSH 




We must widen the gates of> prisoas 
and we must eater them as a bridegroom 
cuter the bride's chamber. Freedom is 
to be wooed only inside prison walls 
and sometimes on the gallows, never in 
the council chambers, courts or the 
schoolroom - M. K, GANDHI, 


by D. G. UPSON. 





Foreword .... .... VII 

The Pilgrim-Band .... .... XI 

/Mahatma Gandhi 1 

Moulana Mahomed Ali .... .... 3 

Dr. Kitchlew .... .... .... 4 

Moulana Shaukat Ali .... .... ,, 

Ali Brothers 7 Mother .... .... 5 

Lala Lajpat Rai.... .... .... 9 

Agha Mahomed Safdar .... .... 22 

Mr. Chitta Ranjan Das .... .... 25 

Basanti Devi and others .... .... 46 

Pandit Motilal Nehru .... .... 47 

Pandit Jevahar Lai .... .... 49 

Mrs. Motilal Nehru .... ' .... 50 

Mrs. Sarojini Naidu .... .... 53 

/Mahatma Gandhi .... .... 54 

Mr. Harilal Gandhi .... .... 59 

Mr, B. N. Sasmal .... .... 60 

Moulana Abdul Bari .... .... 62 

Mr. Asaf Ali .... .... .... 64 

Prof. T. L. Vaswani .... .... 65 

Mr. Yakub Hassan .... .... 

Mahatma Gandhi,, ^ 66 

502 * < \ 



Seth Chotani and others .... .... 72 

Lala Shankarlal .... .... 75 

Sir P. C. Ray .... .... .... 77 

Mr. C. Rajagopalachar .... .... 78 

Mr. S. Sreenivasa lyengar .... .... 81 

Pandit Motilal Nehru .... .... 83 

Mr. Jinnah .... .... .... 83 

Pandit Motilal Nehru .... .... 85 

Mr. Shyam Sunder Chakrabutty .... 86 

Help Justice .... .... .... 89 

Mrs. C. R. Das .... .... 90 

Mr. Patel .... .... 93 

Lala Lajpat Rai .... .... 100 

Babu Bagvan Das .... .... 104 

Mahatma Gandhi .... .... 106 

Moulana Abul Kalam Azad .... 113 

Mahatma Gandhi .... .... 122 

Mrs. Das .... .... 129 

Mahatma Gandhi 131 


Let the reader not mistake the purport of 
these 'messages from imprisoned and other leaders. 
They are not messages of complaint but of triu- 
mph and achievement. Non-co-operators have 
ever)' reason to rejoice at the Government's adop- 
tion of the policy of repression, for it has been 
frankly the aim of non-co-operation to force this 
policy on Government. It is as in a game of chess 
the skilful player thinks ahead and forces his op- 
ponent to move according to the more skilful 
player's plan of campaign and the opponent 
plays into the victor's hands. It is as in a war, 
the skilful general at his pleasure forces the 
enemy to advance and attack that the latter 
might be defeated the more comprehensively. 
When the Indian nation resolved on non-co-op- 
eration with the Government it anticipated 
and desired repression, for there can be no non- 
co-operation without it. There can be no passive 
resistance if there is nothing to resist. The 
nations strikes must be directed against the 
Government's laws, and while that Government 
exists that Government must resort to repression 
to enforce its laws. When repression ceases 


non-co-operation will be at an end; for, the 
cessation of repression will spell the defeat and 
abdication of the Reformed Government of 
India it will spell Swaraj. It were therefore, 
rank hypocrisy in nationalists to protest ever so 
faintly against repression, or indeed to do 
anything but welcome it. It is a signpost 
on the pilgrims' road to Swaraj telling them 
that the journey's end is in sight. The nation 
most emphatically does not desire the release of 
those leaders who have been imprisoned ; nor do 
the leaders themselves wish this until such 
release comes automatically with the abdication 
of the Reformed Government of India in favour 
of a Swaraj Government. The most dangerous 
opponents of Indian national freedom are not 
those Governors who like Lord Ronaldshay are 
filling the gaols with non-co-operators, but 
those Satraps who like Sir George Lloyd of 
Bombay, are resisting the temptation to play 
into Mahatma Gandhi's and the nation's hands. 
But eventually even the Government of Madras 
and Bombay will be compelled by the people 
to follow the example and policy of the Govern- 
ment of Bengal, the United Provinces ard the 
Punjab. Their only alternative will be uncondi- 
tional surrender to, and in favour of provin- 


cial Sawraj. With the above facts clearly borne 
in mind the reader will not be tempted to regard 
this book as a pathetic monument of suffering. 
Its message is one of good cheer and of encou- 
ragement; for, it is a record of successful achi- 
evement. Contrast the brave optimism and 
firm purpose of every word with the halting 
apologies for a truce uttered by Lords Reading 
and Ronaldshay. If clarity of thought and 
confidence of success breed immediate victory, if 
hesitation and doubt spell early defeat, the 
contrast is eloquent of the fact that victory is 
already ours, and that the pilgrims' march to 
Swaraj has in the gaol all but reached its goal. 

24th Dec. 1921. 1 






I hear their voices in the Wind 
Rushing through the reeds on the river-bank ; 
I hear their Song in the surge 
Of the Sindhu, Ever-flowing, Ever-full : 

India the First-born, 

India the Ancient, 

India is fettered ; 

To live is to cast away fear and be Free. 


Comrades ! Will ye still be slumbering. 
Afraid of the Light ? 
Will ye still be sheltered in weakness 
Dreaming away your powers in passion and 


While a Procession of the pure who are strong. 
And the brave who are meek, 
Moves on to the music of love a-singing : 
" India the First-born, soon shall be, Free/' 

What is the lure 

In this thraldom or that strife ? 

Behold the Pilgrim-Band ! 

In the Procession are some who stood apart 

Shunning the crowds' applause, 

And Soldiers of Freedom, 

Proclaimers of the Faith. 

In India the Ancient, India the Free. 


And singers of the Secret 
Of Holy Hindusthan, 
And silent worshippers 
Of Her sacred Name, 
And servants of the Truth that slays, 
Sing at this hour 
As the storm is blowing : 
" India the First-born, soon shall be Free/ 7 

(5) . 

In their hearts is a memory and music 
Of the Day when she nourished the Nations ; 
Their song is swift with the message of the 

Sindhu : 

" To live is to cast away fear and be Free," 
Comrades ! our comfort-houses are prisons ; 
'Tis time to go forward ; else we go down ; 
Comrades ! let's have courage and find the 

Charter of Freedom 
In the Defeat of the day. 


Comrades ! Can we forget the ancient Legends ? 

And the Sages and their Songs ? 

And the Days of India's glory. 

When Krishna the Saviour worshipped village- 

With music and the fadeless flower of love ? 

Can India's History speak to our hearts 

And we ^yet hesitate to join the ranks of Her 

Whom the world calls the Vanquished ? 


Comrades ! There is sorrow in Her heart, 
For Her sons give worship to power and pride. 
Comrades ! the Procession calls us. 
Let us out with our harps and our songs. 
And tune the music of old for the healing of the 


Let us salute the Sages and Heroes, 
And sing with the Pilgrims and the Winds and 

the Sindhu : 
" To live is to cast away fear and be Free." 



Have faith in Him and glory and victory 
shall be ours. 

The Punjab wrong, Khilafat treachery and 
Chirala Perala tragedy are but the Avarohans, 
the descending ones, in the even song of Swaraj 
whose Arohanas, the ascending ones, are the 
establishment of Swaraj in India and also in 
England, which awaits you in your on-coming 
struggle. I am destined to deny myself the 
sharing of your pangs in suffering and sacrifice : 
but may yet share your joy when it is settled 
and becomes the Rasa of Universal love. I 
embrace you all and exit to my cell. 



" You shall immediately inform your 

Government that they expedite the establishment 
of Swaraj y a by sending thousands and thousands 
of my countrymen into the Training Colleges 
of patriotism and self-fulfilment, your jails. 
Delay is dangerous my Lord Sree Rama- 
chandra has sanctioned the prosecution of three 
hundred millions of my countrymen, in the 
Civil disobedience resolution at Hastinapura 
(Delhi), the cremation ground of many an 
Empire of egoism, the outskirts of Kurukshetra 
and His Inspector General the Lord of Ram- 
dandu, Mahatma Gandhi awaits to execute it. 
My incessant prayer is that thus shall it be. 
Swasthi Sri Ramarpanamastu." 






The following message was sent by 
Mahatma Gandhi from Waltair : 

Maulana Mohamed AH was arrested at 
Waltair under sections 107 and 108 to be called 
upon to give security, to be of good behaviour 
for one year. The place and date of trial is 

The Begum Saheba and Mr. Hayat were 
permitted to see him after arrest. 

He and I were going to address a meeting 
outside the station. He was arrested. I conti- 
nued going to the meeting and addressed them. 

There is no cause for sorrow, but every 
cause for congratulation. There should be no 
hartal. Perfect peace and calmness should be 
observed. I regard the arrest as a prelude to 
Swaraj and the redress of the Khilafat and the 


Punjab wrongs, if we can remain non-violent. 
Retain Hindu-Muslim Unity despite the mad- 
ness of some Moplahs, and fulfil the Swadeshi 

I hope every Indian, man or woman, will 
completely boycott foreign cloth and take up 
spinning or weaving during every spare minute. 

By striving like the Maulana, be insistent 
on religious and national rights. 

Let us earn imprisonment. I am conscious 
of the Maulana's innocence and I am sure the 
imprisonment of the innocent will enable the 
nation to reach the cherished goal. 

The Maulana was quite calm. So is the 
Begum Saheba. She accompanies me during 
the travel. So does Maulana Azad Sobhani. 


On the eve of his arrest my loving and 
beloved chief Maulana Mahomed AH ordered 
me to convey the following message from him 
to his Hindu and Muslim friends and admirers 
in the country : 

u Whosoever has any love or regard for 
me must take my arrest in a calm and peace- 
ful spirit and give expression to that love and 
regard in two and only two ways. First by 
contributing all that a Mussalman possibly can 
towards the Smyrna Relief and Angora Muni- 
tions Fund ; and, secondly, to discard all 
foreign clothes and wear pure Swadeshi. I trust 
my arrest will give greater courage and hope tc\ 
my friends and followers^ who, I expect, would 
carry on the programme of non-violent non- 
co-operation with tenfold zeal, energy and 
firmness, undeterred by fear of repression but 
hopeful of God Almighty's choicest blessings in 
this righteous cause. Insha Allah ! victory is 
ours and is in sight. " 

(So.) H. M. HAYAT, 

Private Secretary. 

The following messages have been address- 
ed by Maulana Shaukat AH and Dr. Kitchlew: 


Obey the Commandments of God. 
Follow the dictates of your conscience. 
Love India above everything else. May God 
bless you. 


Bombay the beautiful must lead in the 
campaign. Stand by Mahatma Gandhi our 
great and beloved Chief and God will give us 
victory. Face all calamities ancj even Death 
with " Eyes Front " no more crawling on 
bellies Love to all. 


A mass meeting took place on the Idgah 
Maidan where more than 15 thousand people 
were present. Many ladies including Muslim 
ladies also were present. Some stirring national 
songs were sung by Mai Sarasvati Devi, Mr. 
Fatehchand and Jamal-ud-din. The latter's 
song was very highly appreciated by the audience 
and there were loud cries of Alla-ho-Akbar. 
Devi Bai of Swaraj Kanya, Vidyalaya occupied 
the chair. 

The President said : In ancient times 
' mothers like Kunti sacrified their sons, and this 
is the time when Ali Mata has come here to 
sacrifice her two sons. (Here came in the old 
but brave mother of the Ali Brothers. There 
was great enthusiasm and many Muslim men 
and women began to shed tears.) The sacrifice 
and bravery which this mother has shown is 
inexpressible. But it is a matter of deepest 
regret that the people have not even discarded 
foreign clothes. The Ali Brothers are so brave 
that even the Government is having so many 
regiments. When such brave sons and brave 


mothers are in our midst why should we be 
afraid ? The order of our leaders about Charkha 
is not a trifling thing. This Charka means 
Hindi-ki-Jai. I appeal to you that for the 
\ sake of honoring this brave mother's pledge your- 
selves to wear Khaddar only even if only to 
/ honor this brave mother. Swaraj can be got 
only by action not by words. The time of sacri- 
fice is come. Learn to die with smiling faces. 

The Government is afraid of two of your 
brave men. Why are you afraid of those who 
are afraid of you, I wonder. The bureauc- 
v racy would at once go; only, if you wear khaddar. 
You are responsible for the dominance of the 
bureaucracy yourself. Only be Swadeshi, and 
you have solved the problem, my dear brothers. 

Even monkeys felt the insult of Sita's being 
taken away by Ravan but you being men, do 
not even feel the insult of so many of your 
sisters and mothers at Jallianwala. 

Begum Sahib then rose and there were 
shouts of Alla-ho-Akbar. She said : 

" I have unveiled myself since 3 days be- 
cause all are like my sons and brothers. Now 
I have thrown up the veil and come as a man be- 
fore you who are men, but I wonder why you are 
becoming women ? Let my two sons go. Be 


men. They are gone in the path of God. You 
be men. Let hundreds take the place of those 
two. We are 33 crores. How many Jails will be 
filled ? I am also ready with you for jail. Do 
not be cowards. I really say I am ready. No 
one can take the life of another. Everyone dies 
when God wishes, So, do not fear as long as 
God is with you. At once non-co-operate with 
the Government. I do not only not care for 
Mahomed and Shaukat but keep my all ready for 
the sake of Islam and the country. Be united, 
therefore. We have been all one since 900 years. 
I do not preach violence but fear no one but 
God. He has given us lives and only he can 
take them off. 

I see no difference between Hindus and 
Musalmans. We have lost all. What has re- 
mained to us ? Do you not see ? Why are there 
so many famines ? I wonder at the cowardice of 
Muslims and Hindus. If Kaba Sharif and 
Madina did not remain, to you for what' are 
you living, Oh Musalmans ? 

There are two powers in your heart, wrong 
and right. Follow the right and not the wrong. 
This is the time when both Hindus and Muslims 
are suffering, be united and wear Khaddar and 
spin all day. No Muslim should interfere in the 


religious duties of any Hindu. Let Muslims act 
according to their religion. But in the cause of 
the country both should unite. Why do you not 
wear Khaddar? Did I not once wear thin clothes? 
Do I not find this Khadar thick ? Did not the 
ancient Hindus wear Khaddar ? Did not the 
Prophet wear a cloak of Khaddar? Oh, my 
brothers, may you all walk in the right path and 
become Sipahis for the country. Be brave. 
May God give you honour." 

ILala Lajpat Rai in the " Tribune " 

My last visit to Bombay has been the cause 
both of pleasure and pain to me. The un- 
fortunate occurrences of the 17th and subsequent 
days, with the consequent rowdyism resulting 
in loss of life and property has given me the 
deepest pain. It is not merely for the actual 
damage caused at the moment that I deplore 
these disturbances, but for the far-reaching 
effects that they are bound to have on the 
successful carrying out of the non-co-operation 
movement. There is always an element of 
danger in rousing an inert mass of humanity, 
but we non-co-operators have been fully cons- 
cious of the risks we ran and have been endea- 
vouring all this time, not merely to breathe life 
into the nation but also to keep a perfect 
control over the re-animated being. This 
control we lost for the moment in Bombay on 
the 17th, 18th, 19th, and 20th of November. 
If the disturbances had continued longer or if 
the end to them had come only through Govern- 
ment agency, I believe it would have been 
difficult for me to get over my fit of disappoint- 


ment. But it is an ill wind that blows nobody 
any good and these disturbances, sad and pain- 
ful as they are, have taught us a useful lesson, 
both as to oar strength and our weakness. 
The way in which the non-co-operators of 
Bombay, have worked has been a revelation to 
me of the strength and intensity of the capacity 
for discipline and self-sacrifice which animates 
our workers. I cannot sufficiently praise the 
courage, both moral and physical, of the volun- 
teers and other workers of the Congress and 
the Khilafat, who were always in the midst of 
the most turbulent crowds trying to calm and 
pacify them, meeting seething passion with a 
smiling face and turning away wrath with a soft 
word, helping and succouring the weak and the 
wounded and always ready to lay down their 
Jives in their noble and self-imposed duties. 
They were indefatigable and worked day and 
night to restore peace and good order. Several 
had their- heads broken, nearly all were wounded 
in one place or other and about half a dozen 
actually lost their precious lives. One Parsi 
gentleman told me that but for these non-co- 
operation workers coming to their rescue, many 
Parsi homes would have been looted and the 
Parsis, handful as they are, might have been 


swept away if the mob had its way. Not only 
did they deal with the mobs, but they were 
always at hand whenever a fire occured and 
were instrumental in saving many lives. 
Here I wish to say with pride, on behalf 
of the Punjab, that Pandit Neki Rarn Sharma 
was a host in himself. He risked his life 
often and often. He went to a house 
four stories high which had caught fire and 
amidst roaring flames rescued the inmates and 
brought them safely to shelter. 1 have singled 
him out, as he is a Punjabee but 1 can assure 
you that there are many such Neki Rams in 
Bombay. (In this connection it is an irony of 
fate that a man of such noble and humanitarian 
impulses should have been tried for and con- 
victed of an offence under section 153-A, and 
treated from the time of his arrest up to now 
as one of the meanest felons). Where all have 
done so well it would be invidious to single out 
any names. But I cannot pass without men- 
tioning that splendid type of Indian woman- 
hood, that sweet warbler who suddenly became 
transformed into a woman of action. Mrs. 
Sarojini Naidu. She was in the t^ick of the 
fight regardless of danger and of any thought of 
personal safety. She rushed wherever there was 


most trouble, allaying and soothing all and 
sundry. She came in for her own share of 
injuries, but she loves the people so much that 
she is firm in belief that the hurts were acci- 
dental and not meant for her. When I think 
of her, my heart rejoices and there is every hope 
for a nation which can count woman like Saro- 
jini among its population. 

I have tried to give the bright side of this 
dark picture. But what is brighter than all is 
the rehabilitation in my mind of the belief that 
had momentarily been shaken, that we still can 
control the people and keep them in hand. 
Temporary aberrations there will be, but the 
spectacle of the different communities voluntarily 
making up the differences is a sign full of augury 
for the future. It leads me to hope, that if 
differences there will be, we can settle them our- 
selves without calling in a third party. 

I am in a more chastened mood but cer- 
tainly in a happier mood than when I went to 
Bombay. One further cause of this happiness 
is due to the splendid example of my Sikh 
brethren. People had thought that they were 
lagging behind in the struggle for liberty. 
People had also thought that, being a martial 
race, they would be the last to imbibe the 


loctrine of non-violence. They have given the 
lie to both these misconceptions. They might 
have been a little behind others in the prelimi- 
nary stages, but they made up the leeway rapidly 
and passed the others by over a length at the 
crucial moment, while as regards non-violence, 
with its attendant conception of self-sacrifice 
they have given the most amazing proofs by 
their behavior at Nankana Sahib on the 15th 
November and later at Ajnala and Amristar. 
They have proved themselves descendants of 
their great Gurus and the example they have set 
of self-sacrifice, calm courage, devoid of swagger 
and absolute self-control in the face of provoca- 
tion, will be hard to beat. If I have ever thought 
of them as being backward I must readily 
apologize now. 

One word more before I have done. The 
day of our trial isrfast approaching. It behoves 
every one to do his best in this crucial moment 
and one of the first duties of every citizen is not/ 
to believe silly and alarming rumours nor 
spread them about, unless the facts are well 
authenticated. There were first the rumours 
about Dr. Kitchlew. Yesterday people were 
bandying about that there had been firing in 
Amritsar on Sunday last. Both these have 


happily proved to be wrong. I would beseech 
every patriot to weigh carefully any information 
he receives, for it is not difficult to imagine what 
incalculable mischief can be done, and perhaps 
blood too can be uselessly shed, by false news 
spread about in a heedless manner. Besides, let 
every one steel his heart and be prepared for the 
worst happening to him and his friends at any 
moment. The late Chief Justice of England is 
now appearing in his true colours. He should 
have ample opportunities of vindicating 'the law' 
and coercing people in order to perpetuate the 
rule of his countrymen over this unhappy land. 


The trial and conviction of Pandit Neki 
Ram affords another instance of the farcical 
nature of political trials in this country. On 
Saturday last when the Magistrate heard the 
case he seemed to be of opinion that no case 
had been made out under Section 153 A., under 
which he had been charged; that although 
Pandit Neki Ram had attacked the Government 
there was nothing in his speech which could be 
construed as having fomented hatred between 
any two sections of His Majesty's subjects. By 


Monday, however, the Magistrate had persuaded 
himself into different conclusion and sentenced 
Pandit Neki Ram to 8 months 7 rigorous impri- 
sonment. May we ask if the treatment meted 
out to Pandit Neki Ram, as an under-trial priso- 
ner, from the moment of his arrest onwards can 
show anything but racial discrimination as 
against the sons of the soil? Would a European 
of the position of Pandit Neki Ram have been 
treated similarly. 

Pandit Neki Ram was handcuffed and 
brought to Lahore in a third class compartment. 
At Lahore he had to take his food in court with 
handcuffs on both hands , and from what I hear 
of the treatment since, I am compelled to say 
that it is only farcical to try an Indian under 
Section 153 A, for pointing out the huge injustice 
done to the sons of the soil. What is the use 
of convicting a man like Pandit Neki Ram on 
this charge when the whole system of govern- 
ment in the country breathes the spirit of racial 
discrimination and when there are hardly any 
Indians who have not bitterly complained of it 
at some time or other of their life. I have no 
complaint to make of the British who believe 
in the superiorly of their race. But what fills 
me with humiliation and anger is the callous 


attitude of my own countrymen occupying high 
positions in the government of the country. 
For these Indians to be parties to sanctioning 
prosecution of Indians under Section 153A, for 
the criticism of the bureaucracy is pure and 
simple hypocrisy. The Indian member in 
charge of jails may well be asked if in his 
opinion Pandit Neki Ram Sharma is not as 
good as a 3rd class European, and entitled to 
the same treatment in jail as the latter. If not, 
then why talk of 153A, I. P. C. ? 



Countrymen The Provincial Congress 
Committee meets to-day at 2 p.m. This mee- 
ting has been 'convened under my instructions. 
This meeting is in every sense a private meeting, 
according to law, and cannot be termed a public 
meeting. The object of this meeting is that the 
Provincial Congress Committee, after taking 
into consideration the present situation, might 
draw up its progrmme of work and devise means 
to maintain peace and order in the Province in 
the present crisis. The Deputy Commissioner 
has prohibited the meeting under the Prevention 


of Seditious Meetings Act, and in the meantime, 
I have received orders from Mahatma Gandhi 
that, as far as possible, I should save myself 
from arrest. The meeting is highly important. 
The order of the Deputy Commissioner is illegal 
and " ultra vires/' and it seems that the Punjab 
officials do not care much for law. Under these 
circumstances, iny conscience does not allow me 
to stop the meeting or to allow it to be held and 
myself not attend it. I have, therefore, decided 
to attend the meeting and get myself arrested, if 
the District authorities desire to take me into 
custody. I believe that, had he been in that 
position, Mahatma Gandhi himself would have 
acted in that manner, and that, had he known 
the later developments, he would not have ad- 
vised me, as he has done. I quite realize that 
I might perhaps have rendered you better service 
by avoiding arrest at the present stage of our 
national struggle, but I also believe that for me 
to save myself from arrest under the present cir- 
cumstances would be improper. I am sure, you 
would not like me .to act in a manner that might 
render my conduct liable to be misunderstood. I 
am not deliberately courting arrest on account of 
the weakness of my heart. My faith, my cons- 
cience, my desire to do my duty all compel me 


to attend the meeting. If, under these circum- 
stances, I am committing a blunder, I believe 
that you, my countrymen, and Mahatmaji will 
forgive me, 

We have decided that in my absence, Agha 
Mohamad Safdar Sahib, shall act as the Presi- 
dent of the Provincial Congress Committe. 
The patriotism and high intellectual attainments 
of Agha Mohamad Safdar are well-known to you 
and I believe that under his guidance and leader- 
ship all the Congress Committees and all Con- 
gressmen in the province would fulfil their duties 
loyally and bravely. 

When I left the shores of America, I knew 
that I would not be allowed to remain outside 
the jail for a long time ; and on my departure 
from there, I told my friends that I would 
be satisfied if I were allowed to work amongst 
my people even for six months. But now, 
through the grace of God, I have been enabled 
to work with you for about 19i months, and I 
go to jail with a glad heart and with the firm 
belief that .what-ever we have done, we have 
done according to our conscience and our God. 
I have no misgivings or fears in my mind. I 
am convinced that the path we have chosen is 
the right path and our success is sure. I also 


believe that I shall soon return amongst you 
and resume my work ; but even if that is not 
to be, I assure you that I shall have nothing to 
be sorry for when I return to my Creator. I 
am a weak and frail man, and do not claim to 
possess the splendid spirituality of Mahatma 
Gandhi. Sometimes I am not able to control 
my anger, nor can I say that I have never 
harboured feelings which I ought not to have 
entertained. But this I can truthfully assert 
that I have always kept the interests of my 
country and nation before my mind and my 
actions have been directed with a sole eye to 
the interests of my country. 1 know that I have 
made many mistakes in the discharge of my 
duties, and have sometimes indulged in criticism. 
which might have given offence to some of my 
country-men. For all that, I beg, for forgiveness. 
I hope that they will forgive me, especially my 
Moderate and Arya Samajist brothers. 

The position of those of my countrymen, 
who are Government servants is peculiar ; and 
I quite realise their difficulties. I regret that 
the question of livelihood compels them to act 
in ^ manner which is repugnant even to their 
own feelings. I wish that no non-co-operator 
should regard these Government servants with 


contempt or disdain, nor needlessly use a harsh 
word against them. 

The success of our movement requires that:- 

(1) There should be complete unanimity 
between different communities and denomin- 
ations. It is a sin to disturb that mutual good- 
will and concord even for a religious object. 

(2) There should be no violence in the 

country. The Government officials are provoking 

the people in many ways. Courage, patriotism 

and regard for duty all demand that we should 

remain non-violent even in the face of the 

gravest provocation. There is every danger 

that at the present moment violence might lead 

to internal dissension, which is bound to ruin us. 

I, therefore, with the utmost respect and 

sincerity of purpose, urge on my countrymen to 

restrain their feelings. They should not have 

hartal or hold meetings over the arrests, nor 

should they go to the courts. Every person 

should continue his every day work with a calm 

and cool mind, should not disobey the order of 

the Congress" and should regard it his duty to 

carry out the orders of the local and provincial 

leaders. To maintain non-violence and to keep 

the movement of non-co-operation free from 

that taint are essential for our success. 


(3) There should be no break in the work 
of the Congress. The " khaddar " propaganda 
should be carried on with increasing vigour and 
the boycott of foreign cloth should be made 
complete. On the occasion of the forthcoming 
visit of His Royal Highness the Prince of 
Wales there ought to be no public decoration 8 
or rejoicings, and no one should participate in 
the processions or other functions held in his 
honour. And, above all, you should act in 
accordance with the wishes of Mahatma 

Young men of the Punjab I want to 
address a word to you. To pass a university 
examination is not the " summum bonum " of 
your life. Any man who models his course of life 
on a selfish basis is not a human being ; and if in 
your young age we curb by our nobler ambitions 
and finer emotions and in their place plant 
baser passions and a desire for luxurious living 
in your breasts, then also your life is worse than 
death. I do not wish that you should act in a 
state of undue excitement. But you should 
at least do two things : wear khaddar and ./ 
boycott the visit of the Prince. 

Women of the Panjab I know that you 7 


too, are imbued witli a spirit of patriotism and 


a desire to serve your country, and that you 
would not care if in that service you lose your 
liberty. Many of you are prepared to go to 
jail. But the Indian jails are hells upon earth ; 
vice and corruption reigns there supreme. I, 
therefore, request you to give up the idea of 
courting imprisonment ; and direct your ener- 
gies towards the preaching of Swadeshi and 
yourself wearing pure Swadeshi jdothes. There is 
one other thing which you can do. You can take 
care of the young children who are left behind 
by those who go to jail in the country's cause. 

My countrymen, I now bid you good-bye. 
I go to jail in the firm belief that the honour of 
my beloved country and nation is safe in your 
keeping. The u Bande Mataram >; and the 
Tilak School of Politics are my tv/o children \ 
and these also I leave in your keeping. 

Those of my brothers who are in Lahore 
and have not attended to-day's meeting have 
done so at my request, so that our work may 
not be interrupted. 



Agha Mohd. Safdar, President of the Pan- 
jab Provincial Congress Committee, has addres- 
sed the following appeal: 


On the advice of Lala Lajpat Rai, the 
Panjab Provincial Committee has elected me 
President during Lalaji's absence. I feel I am 
not fit to shoulder the burden thus thrown upon 
me, but at the present time it is the duty of 
every one of us to unhesitatingly discharge the 
duties entrusted to him. I shall try, so far 1 as 
it lies in my power, to discharge properly my 
duties. But my success depends on the co- 
operation and assistance of my brethren. So far 
as advice and office work are concerned, the 
help of every one is not necessary. Those of 
my friends in Lahore who have been doing the 
work so far are still ready to do it. But apart 
from this, there is other work for which I desire 
the assistance of every Punjabee. It is, our 
duty to change the present system of adminis- 
tration and wage a ceaseless struggle against 
the present system of government. In this 
struggle, our final victory is assured. Our path 
is that of righteousness. But certain conditions 
are necessary in order to reach a successful 
result. Mahatma Gandhi has chalked out for 
you the lines along which to carry on the strug- 
gle. The first essential is to promote amity and 
love among the different religions and natio- 
nalities. Out of their common love for the 


Motherland let Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs stand 
side by side, dressed in the same uniform of 
hand-made cloth viz., "Khaddar" and with the 
sole weapon of non-violent Non-co-operation in 
their hands. If you do so Mahatma Gandhi 
will return victorious. This is the only help I 
demand of you. If you do not offer me this 
assistance, it is clear that I too shall not be able 
to discharge my duties satisfactorily. Therefore, 
in accepting responsibilities of Presidentship, I 
make the following appeal to you : 

Let Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs alike be- 
come soldiers in the cause of your country's 
freedom. Put on " Khaddar " and cast aside 
foreign clothes, burn them or send them out of 
the country. Stick to Non-violence. Do not 
lift your hand against any one. Do not hurt 
anybody's feelings. 

At the present time your leaders like the Ali 
Brothers, Lala Lajpat Rai and Sardar Kharak 
Singh and many others have been arrested and 
are rotting in jail as a result of fighting in the 
cause of their country's freedom. If even now 
your patriotic impulses are not stirred and you 
are not prepared for little sacrifices in the form 
of boycotting foreign cloth, then I am afraid not 
only you will not be freed from subjection but 


you will bequeath to the coming generation a 
legacy of this subjection. This Divine help for 
setting yourself free will not come again for long. 
This is not the time to fail. 


The recent communique of the Government 
of Bengal, the order of the Commissioner of 
Police, and the various orders under Section 144 
issued by Magistrates in different districts of 
Bengal, make it absolutely clear that the 
Bureaucracy has made up its mind to crush the 
movement of Non-Co-operation. The people of 
Bengal have therefore resolved to preserve with 
all their strength in the struggle for freedom. 
My message to them is one of hope and encou- 
ragement. I knew from the beginning that the 
Bureacracy would be the first to break the law. 
It began its illegal career at the very outset by 
occasional orders under Section 144. It cont- 
inued the unjust and illegal application of the 
Section in opposition to this movement. Now 
that the movement is about to succeed, it has 
adopted forgotten laws and forsaken methods, 
and Section 114 is being indiscriminately used 
to further the same object. 


Our duty is clear. The Indian National 
Congress has declared that Swaraj is our only 
goal and that Non-Co-operation is the only 
method by which to reach that goal. Whatever 
the Bureaucracy does the Nationalists of Bengal 
cannot forget their ideal. The people ' of 
Bengal are now on their trial. It entirely 
depends on them whether they would win or 
lose. I ask my countrymen to be patient, I 
appeal to them to undergo all sufferings cheerfully 
I call upon them not to forsake the sacred 
work which the Indian National Congress has 

The Congress work is done and can only 
be done by volunteers. Let it be clearly under- 
stood that every worker, young or old, man or 
woman is a volunteer. I offer myself as a 
volunteer in the Service of the Congress. I 
trust that within a few days, there will be a 
million volunteers for the work of the Province. 
Our cause is sacred, our method is peaceful and 
non -violent. Do you not realise that the Service of 
our country is Service of God ? I charge you to 
remember that no communique of earthly Cover- 
ments can be allowed to stop God's worship, 

I appeal to the .people of Bengal to realise 
this truth. I pray to God that it may be given 


to the Bureaucracy to understand, appreciate 
and recognise this great truth. 


My first word and my last word to you is 
never to forsake the ideal of Non-violent Non- 
Co-operation. I know it is a difficult creed to 
follow. I know that some time the provocation 
is so great that it is extremely difficult to remain 
Non-violent in thought, word and deed. The 
success of the movement however, depends on 
the great principle and every worker must 
strengthen himself to withstand such provoca- 
tion. We are too apt to throw the blame on 
other persons. For instance, if there is a riot 
in a City, we say that the hooligans were 
provoked to commit the riot. Let us not forget 
that these so-called hooligans are our country 
men. Let us not forget that we the Non-Co- 
operators claim to hold the country. Let us 
realise that to the extent to which we do not 
succeed in so controlling the masses, be they 
hooligans or not, to that extent Non-Co-opera- 
tion has failed. The responsibility is ours. It 
does not lie in our mouth to say that wicked 
people have instigated the masses to break law 
and order. Do you not realise that the success 
of our movement depends on this, that no other 


people wicked or otherwise should be able to 
lead the masses or any section of our country- 
men towards violence and bloodshed ? If we 
fail to exercise control over the masses, how 
can we claim to have success ? I am not dis- 
couraged. I do not want you to be discouraged- 
I pray to God that you may have sufficient 
strength to carry on this great battle peacefully 
never forsaking the ideal of Non-voilent 
Non-Co- operation in all its 'bearing. 
I said the other day that the Congress must 
be judged by the claim it makes. As we claim 
to hold the country we must accept responsi- 
bility for any violence anywhere in this country. 
One must in fairness except those places where 
the message of the Congress has not been 
allowed to be heard. We accept no responsi- 
bility with regard to the Moplah outrage. 1 
firmly believe that that rebellion would have been 
impossible, had the Congress and the Khilafat 
workers been permitted to carry the gospel of 
nonviolent non-co-operation. But the position 
of the Congress is different regarding the recent 
violence in Bombay and the application of such 
violence under similar circumstances. Let us 


understand clearly the real issue which governs 
this assumption of responsibility. I have stated 
it before, but I find its real significance has not 
been appreciated. 

Do we assert that the movement of non- 
violent non-co-operation has succeeded? If it has, 
is it not quite clear that it is because the Cong- 
ress may be said to have established its control 
over the masses in this country ? That is the 
only test of the success of this movement. 

The continuance of such control is the 
measure of our success, its discontinuance must 
be the measure of our failure. This is also the 
standard by which the bureacracy must be 
judged. The bureaucracy claims to hold this 
country. I am attaching no importance to its 
claim, so far as that claim is based on physical 
force. If that had been the only basis of its 
enormous claim I would have unhesitatingly de- 
clared that the bureacracy was no more. I am 
dealing only with its claim so far as it depends only 
on the moral control which it may still exercise, 
Our rulers are never tired of quoting Mahatma 
Gandhi's assumption of responsibility as an 
admission of the failure of the Non-co-operation 
movement. That great soul never expresses him- 
self in the faltering accents of half truth and un- 


truth. If there has been a weakening of the con- 
trol which the Indian National Congress has esta- 
blished let the fact be clearly admitted so 
it was admitted. May I not point out with 
equal force and with equal truth that every case 
of violence such as was practised in Bombay 
proves, and must prove, the failure of the bureau- 
cracy to that extent ? If such violence proves 
that the Congress had lost its hold on those 
who were guilty of violence, to my mind it 
proves as convincingly that the bureaucracy 
also had lost its control. 

This brings out the real issue. I state it 
bnce again so that my countrymen may realise 
/its deeper significance. The struggle for Swaraj 
is a struggle for this control. The India of 
today is a country of opposing claims and unce- 
tain control. The Indian National Congress 
claims to hold the coutnry. The bureaucracy 
makes the same claim. Are we right ? Are 
they right ? The coming events must furnish 
the answer. 

" Our duty is clear. The Indian National 
Congress has declared that Swaraj is our only 
goal andtthat Non Co-operation is the only 
method by which to reachjthat goal. Whatever 


the bureaucracy does the nationalists of Bengal 
cannot forget their ideal. The people of Bengal 
are now on their trial, it entirely depends on 
them whether they would win or loose. I ask my 
countrymen to be patient, I appeal to them to 
undergo all sufferings cheerfully. I call upon 
them not to forsake the sacred work which the 
Indian National Congress has enjoined. The 
Congress work is done and can only be done by 
volunteers. Let it be clearly understood that 
every worker, young or old, man or woman, 
is a volunteer in the service of the Con- 
gress. I trust that within a few days there will 
be a million volunteers for the work of the 
province. Our cause is sacred, our method is 
peaceful and non-violent. Do you not relaise 
that the service of our country is service of God ? 
I charge you to remember that no communique 
of earthly Government can be allowed to stop 
God's worship. 

I do not know how long I shall be allowed 
to remain out of Jail. I repeat with all the 
emphasis I can command that every Congress 
and Khilafat worker must remain absolutely 
non-violent in thought, word and deed. I ask 
^every citizen of Calcutta who has any sympathy 


for the work of the Congress and Khilafat to 
remember that the best and the surest way to 
destroy this work is to help violence in any 
shape or form. 

I ask the people of Calcutta not to gather 
in large numbers at street corners as they did 
to-day. I knew that soldiers would be posted. 
I was not afraid because I had every confidence 
in our workers. There is no doubt there will be 
ample provocation. You must expect it. We 
must withstand this provocation, otherwise we- 
deserve to lose. I say to our workers again 
that they must expect to be assaulted and they 
must be prepared not to be provoked into 

Fear of Jail, fear of assaults and fear of 
being shot down these are the 3 fears which 
every worker must conquer before we can get 
Swaraj. We have conquered the fear of Jail \ 
we are about to conquer the fear of assault- 
It depends on the Bureaucracy when we shall 
succeed in conquering the fear of being shot 

In the meantime, I charge every one to- 
remember that our success can only depend on 
non-violence so real, so perfect that all Godfear- 
ing men and women must come over to our side. 

<C. R. DAS' 

What shall I say to those who have 
suffered, who are suffering, and to those who 
are prepared to suffer for the cause of freedom ? 
I repeat the message which was delivered by a 
Persian Poet. 

Truth, love and courage : that is all you 
need to learn, all that you need to remember. 
Faith, Fortitude, Firmness, will they falter and 
fail and fade at the hoar of trial, in the moment 
of despair, asked the Saqi in a mournful strain, 
or will they, tried and tested emerge from the 
fire of life radiant, strengthened, ennobled, puri- 

Nor will I forsake them, answered the 
youth ; not even were the heavens to fall. 

Thine then, said the Saqi, is the path of 
glory ; thine a nation's gratitude ; thine the 
fadeless crown. 

Would that courage, unfailing courage, 
unbent courage, such as thine, be the proud 
jjbssession of all ? 

For naught but courage winneth life's battle, 
naught but courage secureth soul's freedom, 
man's noblest, highest prize. Let courage, 


then, be thy gift, O God, to this wondrous land 
of Love and Light. 



" If it is a sin to have demanded liberty 
for my countrymen with full and passionate 
intensity of soul, then 1 have sinned grievously, 
sinned beyond pardon or penitence and I rejoice 
that I have so sinned. If it is an offence to 
have asked my people to shake off the fetters of 
foreign servitude that degrades and dwarfs our 
humanity, then I am one of the most offending 
souls alive, and I rejoice and am thankful that 
God gave me the courage and hardihood to 
commit such an offence. And as the All- 
merciful gave me courage and strength in the 
past to speak out the truth that is within me, 
so I hope that He will give me endurance in 
the future to go through the agony of man's 
unrighteous persecution. 7 ' 

So said Jitendralal Banerjee as I find from 
a certified copy of his statement made to the 
Magistrate. We all know Jitendralal Banerjee. 
I have been intimately connected with him 
certainly for the last five or six years of our 
national activity. Two years of rigorous im- 

C. R. DAS 35 

prisonment for saying what he believed to be 
true. A man who undergoes such suffering as 
this for the sake of truth must be understood 
and appreciated. 

What is he Jitendralal Banerjee ? I ask the 
student community to realise the essential truth 
of his life. His life has been lived up to the 
present moment practically before the students 
of Bengal. He passed his M. A. Examination 
in 1902 standing first in the First Class. After 
that he obtained the State Scholarship to pro- 
ceed to England but he chose to educate him- 
self and to educate others in this conntry. He 
served as a Professor of English in various Col- 
leges always preferring Indian to Govern- 
ment Institutions. His last appointment was 
in the Ripon College where he served till 1911. 
In that year his services were dispensed with by 
the College authorities because he refused to 
give an undertaking that he would no longer 
take part in politics. Then began his career at 
the bar. 

Although he had always taken part in poli- 
tics from 1911-1912 he became a prominent 
figure in the Congress. A devoted follower of 
Surendra Nath Banerje, he broke away from 
him at the time when the whole of Bengal > was 


intensely agitated on the question of Mrs, 
Besant's election to the Presidential chair of the 
Congress. Since then he has been working 
unceasingly in support of the national cause. 

There was no man in our political circle 
who was a more sincere friend and well-wisher 
of the student community. He was like a 
brother to every one of them who came to him,, 
helping them with advice, with his money and 
in every possible way. An ardent patriot who 
yielded to none in his love for his country, with 
a heart tender and yet stern and unbending. I 
wish he had been among our midst at the pre- 
sent moment for Bengal hath need of him. We 
want his sincerity, we want his courage, we 
want his love for truth. Let his sacrifice enable 

What is Jitendralal Bennerjee ? I ask the 
students of Calcutta to realise the truth of his 
life. Words cannot convey it. The work that 
he did, the life which he lived, the qualities of 
his head and heart, all culminating in the grand 
sacrifice which he had the courage to make 
these are more eloquent, than any words that I 
can employ. 

I ask again : what is Jitendralal Bannerjee ? 
I wish with all the craving of my heart that the 

C. R. DAS 37 

students of Calcutta knew how to answer this 
question. He had given up his life for the well- 
being of his dear devoted students. Are there 
none now to tell us the meaning of his sacrifice 
not by speaking angry words, nor by shedding 
idle tears but by taking up the cause he loved 
so well and by strengthening that cause by their 
own sacrifice. 

Merely existing is not living. I wish I could 
say the students of Calcutta were living as men 
should live, as Jitendralal Bannerjee lived. 
Now that his body is imprisoned, is there no 
one amongst the students of Calcutta who has 
the heart to hear the call of his soul ? 

The arrest of Lala Lajpat Raj has opened 
a new chapter in the history of our movement- 
To my mind the meaning of this arrest is signi- 
ficant. The bureaucracy is impatient of our 
success. It has lost its temper and naturally it has 
commenced to strike. Hitherto the attack of 
the bureaucracy has been more or less indirect. 
This is direct. Lajpat Rai is one of the pillars 
of the Congress movement. Through him the 
Congress itself has been struck. I welcome this 
direct attack. It means an open trial of strength 
between the bureaucracy and the Congress, and 


as the Congress year is about to close, it is time 
for the result to be proclaimed. 

In Bengal the arrests have been equally 
significant. They took away Pir Badsa Mian 
and Doctor Suresh hand-cuffed and chained to- 
gether as the most eloquent symbol of the 
bondage and unity of the Hindus and the 
Musalrnans. Jatindra Mohan Sen Gupta is in 
Jail, proving the worth and triumph of Chitta- 
gong. Nripendra one of the most popular 
Professors, has shared the same fate. Professor 
Birendra Nath Mukherji of Rungpur has already 
led a thousand volunteers to prison, leaving 
twenty thousand more awaiting the glory of 
arrest. Brihmanbaria in Commilla is ready with 
more victims than our masters want. 

But what of Calcutta ? That is the question 
which distresses me to-day. Only five thousand 
workers have volunteered, only five thousand in 
this great City with so many schools and 
so many Colleges ? Today six of these volun- 
teers were arrested. They were doing Congress 
work, selling Khaddi and introducing Charkas. 
So the bureaucracy has made up its mind to 
stop the work of the Congress. Only five 
thousand in this great City and the work of the 
Congress about to be stopped ! Have the stu- 

C. R. DAS 39 

dents of Calcutta nothing to say ? Is this the 
time for study ? Art and Literature, Science 
and Mathematics : O ! the shame of it all when 
the Mother calls and these have not the heart 
to hear. ^ 

I feel so desolate in this great City. I see 
thousands and thousands of youngmen all 
around me wherever I go, but their faces are old 
with wordly wisdom and their hearts are cold 
and dead. I wish God had given me the 
strength to rekindle the fire of life in their hearts 
so that the youngmen of Calcutta may be young 
again. It is the young who fought the battle of 
freedom in every age and in every clime. It is 

the young who are purer in spirit and are ever 


ready for sacrifice. 

I am growing old and infirm and the battle 
has just commenced. They have not taken me 
yet but I feel the handcuffs on my wrist and the 
weight of iron chains on my body. It is the 
agony of bondage. The whole of India is a vast 
prison. What matters it whether I am taken 
or left. 

One thing is certain. The work of the 
Congress must be carried on whether I am dead 
or alive. Only five thousand in this great City 
and the work of the Congress about to be 


stopped ! I ask again, have the students of 
Calcutta no answer to make? 


Just after his arrest Mr. Das sent the follow- 
ing message : 

" This is my last message to you, men and 
women of India. Victory is in sight if you are 
prepared to win it by suffering. It is in such 
agony as that through which we are passing that 
nations are born, but you must bear this agony 
with fortitude, with courage and with perfect 

Remember that so long as you follow the 
path of non-violence you put the bureaucracy in 
the wrong, but move by a hair's breadth from 
the path which Mahatrna Gandhi has mapped 
out for you and you give away the battle to the 

Swaraj is our goal, Swaraj not in compart- 
ments, not by instalments, but Swaraj whole 
and entire. Now it is for you, men and women 
to say whether we shall attain the goal for which 
we are striving. 

To my Moderate friends I say this. Survey 
the history of the world from the beginning of 
all times. Has any nation yet won freedom by 

C. R. DAS 41 

pursuing the path which you are pursuing ? If 
the appeal should reach any waverer amongst 
you I ask him to consider whether he will now 
stand on the side of India in her conflict or with 
the bureaucracy ? There may be compromise 
in the matter of datails, but there can be no 
compromise in the essential question that divides 
us from the bureaucracy and if you do not 
stand by India, you assuredly stand for the 

And to the students I say this, you are at 
once the hope and the glory of India. True 
education does not consist in learning to add two 
and two to make four, but it lies in the service 
which you are prepared to give to the Mother of 
us all. There is work to be done for the Mother. 
Who amongst you is prepared to answer the call? 


Mr. C. R. Das forwarded for publication 
the following correspondence that passed 
between him and Mr. W. R. Gourlay, Private 
Secratary to His excellency the Gevernor of 
Bengal : 

Calcutta, dated Decmber 4. 
My dear C. R. Das, 

His excellency has been out all day and so 
I have not bad a chance to see him yet. The 


Indian gentleman did not convey quite the right 
idea. The idea he conveyed was that you had 
expressed a desire to have a talk with the 
Governor with a view to discussing the present 
situation and so I rang you up to tell you that 
if that were so I know H E. was always willing 
to see anyone who wished to discuss any matter 
of importance with him and I was going to sug- 
gest to H. E. that I should ask you to come 
along. I had thought of after-dinner to-night if I 
could fix it up. He is often in his study on 
Sunday night ; but that might be too late now. 
Ring me up (No. 428 Regent, my house) when 
you get this and let me know if you think such a 
discussion would be helpful at the present time. 
Yours very sincerely. (Sd.) W. R. Gourlay. 

143, Russa Road South, Bhowanipur 

dated December 4 
Dear Mr. Gourl'ay, 

I have just received your letter. As you say 
there must have been some mis-understanding. 
Maharaja Sir Pradyot Kumar Tagore asked 
me whether I had any objection to see His 
Excellency. He was under the impression that 
I could not do so on account of the principle 
of non-co-operation. I explained to him that it 
was my duty to see H. E if His Excellency 

c. R. Das 43 

wished to see me. He was particularly anxious 
that H. E. and I should meet to discuss the 
question of hartal. I told him, should His 
Excellency send for me, I certainly, would 
consider it my duty to see him and discuss 
any matter which His Excellency might consider 

I have now told you everything. If His 
Excellency wishes me to see him, kindly drop 
me a line. 

Yours sincerely, 

(Sd.) C.R. Das. 

Calcutta December, 6. 
My Dear C. R. Das, 

His Excellency has learned from an Indian 
gentleman that in reply to a question which that 
gentleman put to you in the course of a conver- 
sation upon matters which are at present the 
subject of considerable public interest, you stated 
that you would be glad to act upon a suggestion 
which he had put forward that you should see 
His Excellency. Lord Ronaldshay understands 
that the matter under discusson at the time when 
you made this reply was the visit of His Royal 
Highness the Prince of Wales. Lord Ronaldshay 
asks me to inform you, therefore, that if you are of 
opinion that an interview would be of advantage 


at the present time, he will gladly see you and 
he requests me to ask if 6 p.m., to-morrow 
(Wednesday) December 7 would be an hour 
convenient to yourself. 

Yours sincerely 
(Sd.) W. R. Gourlay. 

148, Russa Road South, Bhowanipur 

December 7. 
Dear Mr. Gourlay, 

I do not understand from your letter that 
H. E. wishes me to see him. I explained the 
whole situation in my last letter. The rules by 
which non-co-operation is governed are rigid. 
If His Excellency thinks that a discussion with 
me on the present situation is helpful, it is for 
His Excellency to command and 'it is for 
me to obey. It is impossible for me to guess 
whether an interview would be of advantage or 
not at the present time. Judging from the present 
temper of the Government I doubt if it would 
help matters. But that is for His Excellency 
to judge. 

Yours sincerely, 

(Sd.) C. R. Das. 


C. R. DAS 45 

Government House, Calcutta December 8: 
My Dear C. R Das, 

If you are free at 2-45 or at '6 p.m. this 
evening, His Excellency would like to see you. 

The following further correspondence has 
since passed : 

1. From Mr.W.R. Gourlay toMr.C.R. Das. 
Government House, 

Calcutta, Dec. 12 
My dear C. R. Das, 

The Communique has been sent to the press. 
Lord Ronaldshay was informed that the sug- 
gestion was made with your knowledge and 
that you raised no objection. He fails to 
understand therefore how it can be said that it 
was not made with your concurrence. It is not 
suggested that it was made on your initiative. 

Yours sincerely, 

W. R, Gourlay. 
2. From S. J. Satyendra Chandra Mittra, 
Private Secretary to Deshabandhu Chittaranjan 
Dear Mr. Gourlay. 

I am in receipt of your letter under double 
cover addressed to Sj C. R. Das dated the 10th 
of December, posted on the llth of December 
at 9 15 A.M, and delivered to me at 10 A.M. 


today (12th December) though bearing a Post 
Mark of Kalighat P.O., dated the llth Deer., 
3 P.M. I take it, you knew, at the time of 
writing this letter, that the Government of 
Bengal have taken Mr. Das into custody and I 
take it you also know that nobody is allowed 
either to see Mr. Das or correspond with him 
under the order of the Government. Under the 
circumstances, I regret I have to send back your 
letter. I have only to state that the corres- 
pondence in connection therewith has been now 
^published in the press. That will speak for itself. 

I am yours sincerely, 
Satyendra Chandra Mittra. 
We came out fully prepared for arrest. It 
was torture for us as mothers to stay away 
when our young boys were going to jail glori- 
ously. We entreat all our sisters to take up 
the work left unfinished. Let them not forget 
that their place is with their brothers and sisters 
imprisoned. Let them realize that they are 
practically living in prison, only a bigger one. 
It is more honourable to live in a real prison 
than to breathe the polluted air tof a slave-land. 
We appeal to the students .of Government 
institutions to vacate the colleges in a body and 


take up the struggle for liberty. Now or never 
is our last word. This noble struggle will lead 
us either to victory or to death. Both are 
glorious. It must be life or death, not this 
slavery any more. We beseech the policemen 
to resign their posts at once. Let them realize 
that death by starvation is preferable to doing 
this dirty work. 

Basanti Devi 
Urmila Devi 
Suniti Devi 


My message to the students of Bengal : 
Come out, enlist in thousands as volunteers, 
Swaraj is within sight. I tosh your life may 
be hallowed by taking part in this righteous 
fight for your great Motherland's freedom. 

(Sd.) Hemanta Kumar Sarkar. 


To my comrades and countrymen : 

Having served you to the best of my ability 
while working amongst you, it is now my high 
privilege to serve the Motherland by going to 
jail with my only son. What shall I say of him 
to you, who know him so well? 1 am fufly 


confident that we shall meet again at no distant 
date as free men. I have only one parting word 
to say. Continue non-violent non-co-operation 
without a break until Swaraj is attained, and 
enlist as volunteers in your tens of thousands 
and hundreds of thousands. Let the march of 
pilgrims to the only Temple of Liberty now 
existing in India . which has escaped sacrilege at 
the hands of the bureaucracy, viz. the jail, be 
kept up in an uninterrupted stream, swelling in 
strength and volume as each day passes. Adieu ! 


To my Colleagues of the U. P. Congress 
Committee : Some days ago, you did me the 


high honour of appointing me General Secretary 
of the Committee. I have not been able to serve 
you in that capacity for long. To-day,. a higher 
honour and a greater service await me ; and I 
welcome them with the conviction that you will 
carry on the work of the Committee more vigor- 
ously and successfully than my co-secretaries 
and myself were able to do. It has pleased 
Providence to give this Province a chance of 
leading the fight for Liberty. May you, the 
representatives of the people, prove worthy of 
this high trust. The work of the Provincial 


Committee must on no account suffer. Workers 
from the districts must come to the head- 
quarters and keep the flag flying at the citadel. 
I trust that there will be a full attendance of 
members at the General meeting on the 13th in 

Theirs will be a great responsibility. , May 
God guide their deliberations and give them 
strength and wisdom. One thing I would have 
you remember. There can be no compromise 
or parleying. This struggle must and can only 
end in complete victory for the people. Any 
weakening, any giving up of the principles, will 
be a betrayal of the thousands who have given 
of their best for the cause. " An revoir." We 
meet again, I hope, as free men. 



I go to jail with the greatest pleasure and 
with the fullest conviction that therein lies the 
achievqpient of our goal. Forget not that there 
is a complete hartal on the 12th inst. and that 
it is the, duty of every man to enlist as a 
volunteer. The most important thing is to 
preserve complete peace and an atmosphere of 
non-violence. In your hands is the honour of 


Allahabad and I hope it is .quite safe therein. 
I trust you will always be in the firing line in the 
battle of Swaraj and make the name of our city 
immortal in our annals. 

I am your friend, 
In a short Urdu message to the citizens of 
Allahabad the Pandit says : 

I go to jail with the greatest pleasure. The 
only answer to repression is to choke up the 
jails. It is your duty to make the hartal of the 
12th an unprecedented success. Fail not. No 
gari should be plying on- hire ; no shop should 
be open. 

" Enlist in your Hundreds of Thousands'' 

Eear Brothers and Sisters, 

I rejoice in the great privilege that has 
been vouchsafed to me of sending my dear 
husband and my only son to jail. I will not 
pretend that my heart is entirely free from the 
wrench of separation from my dear ones. My 
heart is full of it because love is a trying thing 
after all. The knowledge that theirs is not a 


life which can stand the hardships of jail makes 
my heart weep. And yet my Atma whispers to 
me that I should rejoice with my husband and 
my son over their arrest. I will not disgrace 
them by sorrowing over the very happenings 
they had set their hearts upon. 

I have seen it in my life that those who 
sleep on feather beds hardly ever know true 
happiness. Suffering and penance have a joy 
and happiness all their own. My heart trembles 
to think of the life of hardships that Jawaharlal 
has been leading, but my soul rejoices in the 
fact that that great capacity to lead a life of 

suffering is a fortune which rarely falls to the 

lot of the greatest of men. 

That is the ancient way. Ramchandraji, 
Nalaraja and others found happiness by treading 
that path of suffering, and made the world also 
happy. Was Sita ever out of Rama's heart ? 
And yet apparently for her, but for the good of 
mankind, God chose to enforce a life of penance 
on Rama. These reflections bring me joy and 
peace. Let them bring the same to you. 

And how may I sorrow over the imprison- 
ment of my only son? Mahatma Gandhi told 
me once that others in the world have also their 
only sons. And a time is coming when whole 


families will have to march to jail. I have just 
heard of the arrest of the whole family of 
Deshbandhu C. R. Das. I hope the same good 
fortune may come to me and my daughter-in-law. 
What message 1 have to give you but the 
one my husband has given Go and do like- 
wise? Enlist yourselves in your hundreds of 
thousands as members of the Provincial Volun- 
teer Corps and go to jail. Let those that remain 
behind turn their spinning-wheels and work for 
peace. If we could answer the present repressive 
policy with firm and determined Satyagraha for 
just a short while, I have no doubt that Swaraj 
would be at our doors before the month is out. 

I may say again that my heart prays that 
my son's and husband's life in jail may be a 
bed of roses. I have faith that this is a religious 
struggle, and suffering religiously endured must 
bear its fruit. God has shown us an easy way 
of winning our goal Swaraj. If we but follow 
it cheerfully, we may never have to be confronted 
with the far more difficult task of laying down 
our lives therefor. I trust you will not fail 
to seize this golden opportunity. For as, Tulse- 
das has well said, ' What boots repentance once 
a great opportunity has been frittered away ?, 

Saruprani Nehru. 



At All Times -Under All Conditions-At All Costs 

Conquer By Love and Self -Sacrifice. 

The Soul of India cannot be silent nor the 
Spirit of Freedom denied its mainfold miracles 
of self-fulfilment. 

The road to Swaraj is fast becoming a 
pilgrimage of Joyous suffering and sacrifice, and 
the prisons of India the true temples of Indian 

The ever-lengthening story of the arrests 
and imprisonment of our brave leaders and 
fellow- workers every were, the poignant courage 
of their farewell messages, the noble gesture of 
their victorious martyrdom form a thrilling and 
immortal chapter in the annals of our national 
struggle and achievement. 

But not less splendid nor less worthy of 
our tribute is the attitude of proud serenity and 
self-restraint on the part of the people of the 
stricken Provinces in the face of such a blind 
and bitter fury of shameless repression and 

It is alike our duty .and our previlege in 
this great city to consecrate all our time and 
thought, our energies and activities to the fur- 


therance of this high doctrine and discipline of 
inviolate and invincible peace at all times, un- 
der all conditions, and at all costs. 

Unfaltering in our purpose, unflinching in 
our devotion, let us fearlessly proclaim the faith 
within us and prove to an incredulous world 
that the soldiers of Swaraj win their deliverance 
from bondage not by the sword of harted and 
destruction, but by the diviner weapons of love 
and self-sacrifice, in accordance with their own 
ancient tradition of spiritual power. 


Non- Violence Absolutely Essential. 


A telegram from Allahabad says Pandit 
Motilal Nehru, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Pandit 
Shamlal Nehru and Mr. George Joseph Editor 
of the "Independent" have been arrested. It was 
received at 1 1 o'clock last night. It positively 
filled me with joy : I thanked God for it. 

I had not expected Panditji's arrest. In 
our discussions I used to tell Pandit ji that he 


would be about the last to be arrested. Sir Har- 
court Butler would not have the courage to lay 
hands upon him and his friend Rajasaheb of 
Mahmudabad would decline to retain his office 
if he was to be arrested. I marvel at Sir. Har- 
court Butler's philosophic courage. Panditji has 
been working against tremendous odds. He has 
been battling against his old enemy asthma. 
I know that he has never worked for his rich 
clients nor even for the afflicted Panjab as he 
has slaved for pauper India. I have pleaded 
with him to take rest. He has refused to do 
so. I rejoice to think that he will now have 
respite from the din that was wearing him out. 

But my joy was greater for the thought, 
that what I had feared would not happen 
before the end of the year, because of the sin of 
Bombay, was now happening by reason of the 
innocent suffering of the greatest and the best 
in the land. These arrests of the totally innocent 
is real Swaraj. Now there is no shame in the 
Ali Brothers and their companions remai- 
ning in goal. India has not been found unde- 
serving of their immolation. 

But my joy, which I hope thousands share 
with me? is conditional upon perfect peace 
being observed whilst our leaders are one after 


another taken away from us. Victory is com- 
plete if non-violence reigns supreme in spite of 
arrest. Disastrous defeat is a certainty if we 
cannot control all the elements so as to ensure 
peace. We are out to be killed without kill- 
ing. We have stipulated to go to prison with- 
' out feeling angry or injured. We must not 
quarrel with the conditions of our own creating. 

On the contrary our non-violence teaches 
us to love our enemies. By non-violent non-co- 
operation we seek to conquer the wrath of Eng- 
lish administrators and their supporters. We 
must love them and pray to God that they 
might have wisdom to see what appears to us . 
to be their error. It must be the prayer of the 
strong and not of the weak. In our strength 
must we humble ourselves before our maker. 

In the moment of our trial and our 
triumph let me declare my faith. I believe in 
loving my enemies. .1 believe in non-violence 
as the only remedy open to the Hindus, 
Musalmans, Sikhs, Parsis, Christians and 
Jews of India. I believe in the power of suffering 
to melt the stoniest heart. The brunt of the 
battle must fall on the first three. The last 
named three are afraid of the combination of the 
first three. We must by our honest conduct 


demonstrate to them that they are our kinsmen. 
We must by our conduct demonstrate to every 
Englishman that he is safe in the remotest 
corner of India as he professes to feel behind 
the machine gun. 

Islam, Hinduism, Shikhism, Christianity, 
Zoroastrianism and Judaism in fact religion is 
on its trial. Either we believe in God and His 
righteousness or we do not. My association with 
the noblest of Musalmans has taught me to see 
that Islam has spread not by the power 
of the sword but by the prayerful love of 
an unbroken line of its saints and fakirs. 
Warrant there is in Islam for drawing the sword 
but the conditions laid down are so strict that 
they are not capable of being fulfilled by every 
body. Where is the unerring general to order 
Jehad ? Where is the suffering, the love and the 
purification that must precede the very idea of 
drawing the sword ? Hindus are at least as much 
bound by similar restrictions as the Musalmans 
of India. The Sikhs have their recent proud 
history to warn them against the use of force. 
We are too imperfect, too impure and too selfish 
as yet to resort to an armed conflict in the cause 
of God as Shaukat AH would say. Will a puri- 
fied India ever need to draw the sword ? And it 


was the definite process of purification we 
commenced last year at Calcutta. 

What must we then do? Surely remain 
non-violent and yet strong enough to offer as 
many willing victims as the Government require 
for imprisonment. Our work must continue with 
clockwork regularity. Each province must elec f 
its own succession of leaders. Lalaji has set a 
brilliant example by making all the necessary 
arrangements. The chairman and the secretary 
must be given in each province emergency 
powers. The executive committees must be the 
smallest possible. Every Congressman must be a 

Whilst we must not avoid arrest we must 
not provoke it by unnecessary offence. 

We must vigorously prosecute the Swadeshi 
campaign till we are fully organised for the 
manufacture of all the hand-spun Khadi we 
require and have brought about a complete boy- 
cott of foreign cloth. 

We must hold the Congress at any cost in 
spite of the arrest of every one of the leaders 
unless the Government dissolve it by force. And 
if we are neither cowed down nor provoked to 
violence but are able to continue national work, 
we have certainly attained Swaraj. For no 


power on earth can stop the onward march of 
peaceful determined and godly people. 



8th December 1921. 


Dear Shyam Babu, 

The arrest of Mr. Das, Maulana Abul 
Kalam Azad and others fills me with both grief 
and joy. My duty, I am sure, is now clear. 
I am offering myself for arrest this evening. I 
was about to leave for Bombay in a day or two- 
to be with my dear mother and children after 
a long absence from them. I however, feel 
that in Bengal, where with my Bengali friends 
I have shared in their pleasures and very little 
in their pains and amogst whom I have earned 
my bread and butter, lay my duty. At this 
juncture therefore, I cannot leave the spot. If 
I am mistaken, my Ba and Babu, I have no 
doubt, will forgive me. 

The Government say we defy them as 
enemies. I beg to differ. Our courting imprison- 
ment, in my humble opinion, is only by way of 
humble protest against the manifold grievances 
the existence of which no one can truthfully deny. 


Adieu to all my beloved friends arid well 


The call has come at last and I obey. There 
can be no fixed hour for the call, so can. there be 
none for the response. But I have been preparing 
myself for it these last few months. In this day 
of rejoicing when I am just retiring unto myself 
I cannot but acknowledge with gratefulness the 
kindness shown to me by my Maker. This for- 
ward march is indeed coming back to self. To 
my mind it is no going away, but by the grace 
of the All-Merciful, I am first, approaching the 
Swaraj Asram at last. From other's land I am 
going back to my own ; I shake off my fetters 
and become master of my own. My own langu- 
age fails me to give adequate expression to my 
heartfelt love to and reverence for God. The 
baser elements of my nature which had hitherto 
served to show off the grandeur of my outer life 
to my fellow beings fail me at this hour in revea- 
ling my innermost thoughts to the Greater Man 
within me. 

It is not that my heart does not bleed for 
the attainment of Swaraj and the redress of the 
Khilafat and Punjab wrongs ; perhaps it does 
more than many other's. But I did not join in 

B. N. SASMAL 61 

this great struggle for Swaraj, the Khilafat > and 
the Punjab only. The path society has trudged 
on so long everywhere is not the right one. 
Man himself will have to bring back man from 
this path full of sorrow and misery. For this 
has the Man within me aspired to become a real 
man and for this have I joined the great struggle. 
Society will be purged of its sin and suffering by 
penance in the shape of sell-sacrifice by us all. 
Therefore every true man must prepare to sacri- 
fice himself. My one request to my countrymen 
is that they retire into the inner reality day in 
and day out from the outer manifestations of 
these days. Swaraj and the redress of the 
Khilafat and Panjab wrongs they will gain 
undoubtedly, but they will also gain something 
without compare in this world. I believe firmly 
that by the self-sacrifice of the men of India will 
be blessed the man of this world. 

The East has always given the West its 
religion. Today also will it be the religious 
teacher of the West. Politics will henceforth 
be based upon religion. It is absolutely necessary 
therefore, for the whole of Bengal, and specially 
Midnapur, to take to the Charka. Wherever I 
may be and however placed, I shall never forget 



Lucknow, Nov. 25. 

We do not at all desire to inflict any insult 
or bodily harm on the Prince of Wales. We 
only wish to save him from being deceived by 
official prestige and to show him the real feelings 
of India and its people. The means we have 
adopted is to declare a hartal^ from which all 
violence should be excluded. We have adopted 
the doctrine of non-violence after great delibera- 
tion. We believe that it is the only way of 
success. Unfortunately there is a party which 
does not believe in this and is apparently work- 
ing with us. We request this party to adopt 
-our principles while it works with us or to wait 
till our methods have proved futile before it puts 
its own principles into practice. I was very 
much grieved to hear the troubles in Bombay. 
The only result was to mitigate the effect of 
calm and self-control, displayed by the people 
on the arrest of our renowned leaders. We 
consider the Bombay Riots to be opposed not 
only to our political creed but a!so to our 
Sharah. By our religious law a Muslim is 
forbidden to destroy the wine of a Non-Muslim, 
is bound to compensate the party aggrieved. I 


the Sharah is so stringent with regard to wine 
we can well imagine what its orders are with 
regard to other property. At the present 
moment we have a quarrel with British Bureau- 
cracy and with no one else in India. Under 
such conditions the honour and property of all, 
be they Muslims, Hindus, Parisis, Jews or 
Christians should be safe in our hands. We 
should remain firm to our religious commands. 
I fear that if such disturbances are not prevented 
in future, the minorities will no longer have faith 
in the Indian democracy and they will be forced 
to rely on a foreigner for their defence. Then 
it will be very difficult for us to attain our 
object. At the same time, I request these 
minorities not to be deceived by this interested 
help of the Bureaucracy. They should bear in 
mind the deplorable results which may arise by 
a too heated desire of retaliation and should, 
therefore, bring themselves under control. 

HYDERABAD (sind), Dec. 6. 

"God has at last blessed us with the 

cherished desire of mine and AH Brothers that 

Almighty has chosen a man from Faranghi 

Mahal for the sacrifice in the cause of Islam 


Maulana Salamatullah has topped the list. 
Convey congratulations to his relations and the 
members of Faranghi Mahal family. I hope 
they will if eel as happy as I do. I am pain- 
fully feeling my absence at this juncture, but 
God destined so. Tell my brothers to rely on. 
God and to strictly adhere to the creed of Non- 
violence. I am Starting at the earliest opport- 


DELHI, Dec. 13. 

Mr. Asaf Ali, who was arrested on Monday 
along with 50 volunteers left the following 
message : 

I am too ill to hope that I shall survive 
the rigours of jail life ; but, I am proud to say 
that 1 have deliberately sought it for the sake of 
my conscience and my country. I have the 
profound satisfaction of feeling that I am, in 
my own humble way, fulfilling my duty towards 
the cause of Liberty. 

Our bones may lie bleaching in obscure 
dungeons, built of sand and maintained with 
our nation's money, but over our unknown 
graves shall rise the noble edifice of our country's 
Freedom. We can vanquish the sin of selfish- 
ness and the crime of violence by selflessness 


and the negation of violence. Suffering inno- 
cence has God's own might on its side. 


The Khilafat and Congress workers are trying 
their best to maintain peace and order. Appeal 
to the people to face the situation with the 
strength of nonviolence and faith in the value 
of suffering. "A mighty unconquerable moment, 
will come if in thousands and tens of thou- 
sands we will, with love in our hearts, practise 
passive resistance and fill the jails with truth and 
honour, and we shall stand in the presence of 

The prison door is the key to Swaraj. 
"Don't soil the white flag of freedom with blood 
stained hands. Enough blood is being shed in 
the homeland of Turks. Help the Mujahideons 
there to the best of your ability and gain double 
reward of participation of peaceful Jehad at home 
and armed Jehad abroad." 


The women of Calcutta have obstructed 
the gentelmen of Calcutta by trying to sell 
Kahdi and a telegram in the newspapers has 
announced that they have been consequently 
arrested. The company includes the devoted 
partner of the President Elect, his widowed sister 
and his niece. I had hoped that in the initial 
stages, at any rate, women would be spared the 
honour of going to jail. They were not to 
become aggressive civil resisters. But the 
Bengal Government in their impartial zeal to 
make no distinction even of sex, have conferred 
the honour upon three women of Calcutta, I 
hope that the whole country will welcome this 
innovation. The women of India should have 
as much share in winning Swaraj as men. 
Probably in this peaceful struggle woman can 
outdistance man by many a mile. 'We know 
that she is any day superior to man in her 
religious devotion. Silent and dignified suffering 
is the badge of her sex. And now that the 
Government of Bengal have dragged the women 
into the line of fire, I hope that the women all 


over India will take up the challenge and 
organise themselves. In any case they were 
bound, when a sufficient number of men had 
been removed, for the honour of their sex to step 
into their places. But now let it be side by 
side with men in sharing the hardship of gaol 
life. God will protect their honour. When as 
if to mock man, her natural protectors became 
helpless to prevent Draupadi from being denuded 
of her last piece of cloth, the power of her own 
virtue preserved her honour. And so will it be 
to the end of time. Even the weakest physically 
have been given the ability to protect tLeir own 
honour. Let it be man's privilege to protect 
woman but let no women of India feel aelpless 
in the absence of man or in the event of his fail- 
ing to perform the sacred duty of protecting 
her. One who knows how to die need never 
fear any harm to her or his honour. 

I would suggest to the women of India, 
quietly but without loss of time, to collect names 
of those who are ready to enter the line of fire. 
Let them send their offer to the women of 
Bengal and let the latter feel that their sisters 
elsewhere are ready to follow their noble 
example. It is likely that there will not be 
many forthcoming to brave the risks of a gaol 


life and all it must mean to women. The nation 
will have no cause to be ashamed if only a few 
offer themselves for sacrifice in the first instance. 
Men's duty is clear. We must not lose our 
heads. Excitement will not protect our women 
or our country. We have asked the Government 
neither to spare women nor our children. It 
certainly did not in the Punjab during those 
martial law days. I consider it decidedly more 
civilized that the officials in Calcutta should, 
under a legal pretence, arrest our sisters in 
Calcutta for what they consider is a crime than 
that a Bosworth in the Punjab should spit upon, 
swear at and otherwise humiliate the women of 
Manianwala. We did not offer our women to be 
insulted thus wise. But we do offer our women 
for imprisonment if they will arrest them in the 
prosecution of public service. We must not 
expect the Government to look on with indiffer- 
ence whilst the women are spreading the gospel 
of Swadeshi and undermining the very basis of 
its existence,- its traffic in foreign cloth and the 
consequent ability to exploit India's resources. 
If therefore we, men, allow our sisters to take 
part in the Swadeshi agitation we must concede 
the right of the Government to imprison them 
equally with men. 


We must therefore control our anger. It 
will be cowardly to challenge a duel and swear 
at the adversary for taking up the challenge. 
Men must fill the gaols. Men must prove to the 
Government that the awakening is not confined 
to a few men but it has permeated the masses, 
that the spirit of non-violence possesses not merely 
a select number but that it possesses the best part 
of India. We must show by our conduct that 
the sudden eruption was an exception and not a 
symptom of a general disease. And now, when 
the cause for irritation is almost the greatest, 
is the time for showing the greatest forbearance 
and self restraint. I modify the adjective by using 1 
an adverb before it. For I do not think the 
greatest irritation has yet been offered 
I can conceive occasions which may cause 
irritation to the straining point. If we are to 
gain freedom and vindicate the honour of the 
Khilafat and the Punjab we must pay a much 
higher price and not lose equanimity in the 
midst of the greatest possible irritation. Let us 
prepare for the worst and give credit to the 
Government for decency by expecting the least. 
Let us acknowledge frankly that in most cases 
they are obeying the laws of war by being court- 
eous. If they handcuffed Pir Badshah Mian and 


Dr. Suresh Banerjee, they have not done so in 
the case of the All Brothers, Lala Lajpatrai, 
Moulana Mohiuddin or Pandit Motilal Nehru 
nor would I quarrel with handcuffing if they imp- 
osed it on all. It is a gaol regulation to hand- 
cuff a prisoner. I should certainly have loved to 
travel to Allahabad to see Pandit Motilal Nehru 
and his son being handcuffed together and made 
to walk to their destination. I would have loved 
to watcn the radiant smiles on their faces in the 
consciousness of their handcuffs hastening the 
advent of Swaraj. But the Government did not 
provide any such treat. What I do not expect, 
what I do not want for the sake of man's dignity, 
is a repetition of petty and degrading insults of 
the Punjab or the unthinkable inhumanities of 
the Moplah death wagon. But non-co-operators 
have stipulated for no such immunity. We have 
conceived the possibility of the worst happening 
and under a full sense of our responsibility 
pledged ourselves to remain pon-violent. Swaraj 
is within our grasp ; let it not step away from us 
by self forgetfulness. 

With leaders in gaols, there should be 
hartals wherever the Prince goes. No Meetings 
are necessary to organise them. The people have 
sufficient training for spontaneous action. Let 


the Government realise that it was not force but 
willing response that brought about hartals. 
There must be nowhere any unauthorised or ill 
conceived civil disobedience. Every forward step 
must be taken with the greatest deliberation and 
calmness. The people can discuss things in their 
own homes. The merchants meet a thousand times 
for business. They may easily discuss and decide 
matters arising out of the situation as developes 
hourly. But whilst I would like hartals to follow 
the Prince, I would take no risk of violence and 
would not countenance the slightest exercise of 
force or threat of it. Absence of prescribed hartal 
would somewhat discredit us, but an outbreak 
of violence would retard our progress and may 
even indefinitely postpone Swaraj. 

I hope too, that every vacancy in the ranks 
of delegates will be filled and that there will be 
a full attendance at the Congress of members 
who will have made up their minds as to what 
they want and how they will have it. 

Whilst this was being printed, advice was 
received that the three ladies were discharged 
after a few hours detention. Nevertheless I allow 
the writing to go to the public as the argument 
holds good in the main. I observe, too, that the 
ladies have been discharged with a caution ! 



Non-Violence and Readiness for Jail. 

Bombay, Dec. '12. 

Mr. Seth Chotani, Mashhulmulk Hakim 
Ajmal Khan and Dr. Ansari have issued the fol- 
lowing appeal to the Mussalmans of India : 
The policy of Government towards the move- 
ment of the country is no longer a secret now. 
Our prominent leaders who peacefully carried 
out the movement and successfully kept the peo- 
ple within proper control are being put into 
prison. A new situation has therefore arisen in 
the country. We deem it absolutely essential 
to explain their first and foremost duty to our 
national workers and people at large in these 
circumstances. We all know that human nature 
sometimes quickly yields to external influences 
and consequently requires stern rules and regula- 
tions of perfect organisation and discipline which 
should have a firm hold on the mind of the 
people. Man is a rational being, as such is expec- 
ted to act wisely. With a well disciplined will 


he should march in the path of progress with 
firmness of purpose and unconquerable determi- 
nation without allowing his passions to override 
his senses. If he keeps his animal power in 
subordination to, and within the control of, the 
spiritual power he is sure to win. The present 
circumstances have put our human nature to a 
very severe test We hope all our brethren in 
faith will come out successful in their hard trial. 
Our just and religious demand still remains unful- 
filled while our popular leaders are being arrested 
and sent to jail for their freedom of faith and 
conscience. Repression has gone beyond all limits 
and has no doubt created greatest excitement and 
indignation among the public. 

Under these provocative circumstances we 
earnestly appeal to all our coreligionists to 
keep the sacred cause in view and not to resort 
to any kind of violence whether in deed or 
in word. It is our firm conviction that 
any violence on the part of the people is 
highly detrimental to the sacred cause of the 
Khilafat. General repression so vigorously 
started by Government which has resulted in 
the arrests of even the most prominent and 
peace-loving leaders like Pandit Motilal Neheru, 
Lala Lajpat Rai, Mr. C. R. Das, Maulana Abul 


Kalam Azad and Maulana Salamatulla is likely 
to disturb the public mind but it must be rem- 
embered by adopting repressive measures Govern- 
ment have challenged not individual leaders and 
workers but the very movement upon the success 
of which freedom of our faith and our national 
existence solely depends. Let therefore every 
Mussalman, whether young or old, engrave on his 
mind that if he loves his religion and country he 
should face the situation boldly with undaunted 
courage and perseverance and in entire submis- 
sion to the peaceful programme of non-violent 

Mussalmans of India have made a compact 
with Mahatma Gandhi to follow his programme 
peacefully and let that compact be fulfilled up 
to the last. Every young man should be pre- 
pared to go to jail cheerfully and work should 
be unceasingly continued with accelerated speed. 

All Khilafat Committees are requested to 
empower their presidents to fill up the vacancy 
immediately at their own discretion without 
undergoing the formality of calling a meeting, 
whenever any of the office bearers or workers 
is arrested, so that work may not suffer owing to 
the delay in making a new election. A list of 
workers should be kept ready beforehand and a 


gap should be filled immediately whenever the 
necessity arises. Mussalmans should vie with 
their Hindu brethren in facing the repression 
with the utmost firmness, patience and fortitude 
and should cheerfully fill the jails one after 
another. This is a struggle for existence and let 
the Mussalmans give proof of their traditional 
strength, energy and self-sacrifice. Victory is ours 
only if our people stand firm. The Khilafat 
cause has awakened united India and let the 
Mussalmans champion the great cause and take 
the lead in gaining Swaraj by peacefully follow- 
ing the country's programme even under the 
gravest provocation, so that when Khilafat 
wrongs are redressed and Swaraj attained the 
good name of Mussalmans should ever shine on 
the horizon of history as saviour of the freedom 
of their faith and country. 

Lala Shankarlal's : 

My message to my fellow countrymen and 
young workers is that I desire to do away with 
the calamities that have bound India with chains 
of slavery. Young men ought to enlist as volun- 
teers in their hundreds and follow me. Our Lord 
Srikrishna who came into the world for our 


salvation, was born in jail. I assure you, prisons 
will burst before- they accommodate thirtytwo 
crores of persons. Our revered leaders Lala 
Lapat Rai, Pandit Motilal Nehru and some of 
our dear mothers and sisters have led the way. 
Young workers, will you remain complacent on- 
lookers ? I am going to jail now and my desire is 
that at least 1 ,000 volunteers should step into my 
shoes. This will thoroughly satisfy me and will 
convince me that the national work in Delhi has 
borne the desired fruit. 1 have one more request 
to make and this is that you should for every- 
thing that is dear to you, give up the use of 
bideshi cloth and take to charka and khaddar. 
I finish this humble message of mine in the firm 
belief that on 1st of January 1922, the sun will 
dawn on Swaraj of India. 

The message of Lala Han want Sahai: " Be- 
loved patriots, while going to jail, my Prarthana 
is that you should use Khaddar. This is the key 
to Swaraj. My next wish is that Acheet should 
disappear altogether from our midst without the 
least delay. I shall ask you my dear young work- 
ers, to prove your love of country and God by 
joining the ranks of volunteers fearlessly. I hope 
you will not lag behind those mothers and sisters 
of ours, who have shown us the way to Swaraj.' 7 


My Dear Sister, I am so much choked up 
with feelings that I can scarcely give vent to 
them. Ever since his historic defence of Sjt 
Aurobindo Ghosh, which will always rank as one 
of the classics in state trials, your husband has 
loomed large before the public. His abundant 
charity, his lofty patriotism, his high idealism, 
his heroic and chivalrous defence of the weak, 
have always evoked our admiration. 

Though I do not see eye to eye with him in 
some matters, I have always felt attracted to 
him and I do not at all wonder that his striking 
personality should capture the imagination of 
young Bengal or for the matter of that of young 
India. Even those who differ from him in 
political matters cannot withhold their admira- 
tion for the unparalleled self -sacrifice he has made. 
Our hearts go out to Chittaranjan in this hour 
of trial. I know the limitations of the expert and 
from my position of isolation and detachment, 
I am afraid, I fail to realise the full significance 
of his life's mission. Has not the poet said 

"The man of science is fond of glory 
and vain. 

An eye well practised in nature is but a 
spirit bounded and poor." 


Possibly exclusive lifelong devotion to my 
favourite subject has blurred my vision and my 
spirit has become circumscribed. I can assure 
you, however, dear sister, in serving my favourite 
science 1 have only one idea in my mind, 
namely, that, through her, I should serve my 
country. Our aspirations are the same. God 
knows I have no other object in my life. Cheer* 
fully and heroically you have been bearing your 
tribulations and set an example to modern 
Bengal and woman-hood which has been rarely 
met with since the days of Rajput Glory. 

"I sincerely hope that the dark clouds which 
have overshadowed our dear motherland will 
soon be dispelled and your husband restored 
to us." 



'But things are shaping themselves beauti- 
fully without our having to force the pace" so 
writes Mahatma Gandhi on 10th instant. 
When otherwise, in December, men would have 
doubted whether we had done well or failed. 
When we were anxiously thinking how to shape 
our programme in order that we might get 
greater momentum, Providence has led our rulers 
into a policy which, if met by a little courage, on 


our part and a little sacrifice, will surely take us 
to the promised land in less than a month. 

Civil disobedience was inevitable, but the 
danger of disorder made us draw a distinction 
between mass and individual disobedience. We 
were striving to find out what law or orders 
were best fitted for civil disobedience. We laid 
down conditions, moving most cautiously. When 
we were thus anxiously feeling our way, our rulers 
have come to our help. The hand of God is clearly 
seen in recent events. Clean simple Civil Dis- 
obedience, with all the advantages of individual 
as well as of mass disobedience, with the risks 
of violence reduced to a minimum, has been 
rendered possible by the wholesale prohibitions 
of Congress executive work which is now being 
promulgated as law in province after province. 

We made the mistake of giving our hono- 
rary Congress Workers a bad English name. 
We called them Volunteers and the Government 
is taking full advantage of the word. "Volun- 
teer" suggests guns, sticks or at least, some 
amount of drill. Under the pretence of 
supressing a potential army of revolutionaries, 
which in European countries would call itself by 
such a name, Government's trying to make 
illegal all congress work such as Swadeshi or 


temperance or organisation of branches and even 
to make it practically impossible to see to the 
physical needs of our meetings and gatherings- 
To such a wide prohibition, no nation with a 
further before it, can submit. The young men 
of this province have tarried too long. A chance 
is now offered to tftem. In hundreds and thou- 
sands, I expect them now to come forward, 
give their names as congress volunteers, and go 
to prison if the government is resolved to send 
to prison, men whose main and only object is to 
make men peaceful, non-violent, industrious, 
brave and godly. 

There is no more time to be lost. God has 
taken away wisdom from our rulers and guided 
them into the path of folly, so that we might 
have our birth right. Only, we should purify 
ourselves with a little sacrifice and a little 
courage. The Criminal Law amendment Act 
will bring us Swaraj within the year, if our 
young men wake up now. 


As a protest against the policy of Repres- 
sion pursued by the Government in other parts 
of India and in this province I feel bound to 
relinguish my title of C.I.E. and to resign my 

seat in the Legislative Council of Madras as 
representing the University, as a Nationalist, 
following Moderate methods of activity and 
believing that unity is the sole method of achie- 
ving immediate and full Dominion Status which 
is the object of all Nationalists. I have differ- 
ence and I still differ from Mahatma Gandhi 
and the Congress as regards the programme of 
boycott of schools, Courts and Councils and 
their adoption A Civil Disobedience, but this 
policy of repression directed against the Indian 
National Congress and its leaders and workers 
and the extention of the Criminal Law Amend- 
ment Act of 1908 to the Madras province are in* 
my humble judgment such an unconstitutional 
interference with the liberty of citizens as to 
compel Nationalists like me to enter my protest. 
I hope the Graduates of the University to whom 
I shall always be grateful for the overwhelming 
majority of votes they gave me will approve my 


resigning my seat in the Council. Not only 
have the Ministers and one or two prominent 
men belonging to the party in power supported 
this policy of repression but the Legislative 
Council as a whole by not giving leave to dis- 
cuss the application of the Criminal Law Amen- 
dment Act to the Madras Province have made 
it plain that they support the policy of repres- 

In tliese circumstances I cannot be a mem- 
ber of a Legislative Council committed to this 
policy. Such European and other Moderate 
friends as I still might have will, I hope, appre- 
ciate my inability to retain a title conferred by 
Government when I wholly disagree with the 
fundamental policy of Government towards my 
country. May I appeal to the men of all 
parties who do not approve of the triple Boycotts 
and of Civil Disobedience immediately to adept 
full Swadeshi and pledge themselves to total 
i prohibition and to an uncompromising scheme of 
national education and above all to a Brahmin- 
non-Brahmin- Adi Dravida unity and non-co- 
operator co-operator unity as well as to Hindu- 
Muslim unity. 



Cawnpore, Dec. 14. 

Pandit Motilalji and Tondonji delivered 
their message to all the dear students in schools 
and colleges to give up their studies now and 
enroll themselves as volunteers. Now or never 
was the time to respond to the call of Bharat 


" Every responsible citizen in India must 
look upon the present position taken up by the 
Government as thoroughly unjustifiable. The 
Government have justified the present measures 
on the ground that law and order must be 
maintained, to which no exception can be taken. 
But it is not possible to maintain law and order 
either by force or by Statutes, when it is a 
matter of common knowledge, that intellectual 
and thoughtful public opinion is not respected 
and satisfied. It pains all to think that H. E. 
Lord Reading, after nine months' personal study 


of the Indian grievances, is not able to find a 
solution that can satisfy the intelligentia. 

" The non-co-operation movement is only 
a symptom and expression of general dissatis" 
faction, owing to the utter disregard of public 
opinion and of outstanding grievances. In my 
opinion, the only course open to the Govern- 
ment is to come to a settlement of the three 
questions, the Khilafat, the Punjab and Swaraj, 
on reasonable lines. No Government has 
ever succeeded in fighting against the people, 
and repression will only make matters worse. 
There will be no need on the part of the 
Government to make special efforts to maintain 
law and order, if Lord Reading will only meet 
the reasonable demand of the people, which has 
been placed before him by more than one res- 
ponsible leader. Every country has got an 
extreme section of opinion, but it will be im- 
possible for that section to make any headway 
if the bulk of the people are satisfied. And my 
reading of the Indian situation is that, leave 
alone the bulk of the people, even the intellectual 
and reasonable section is far from satisfied with 
the present policy of the Government. It is 
often said that sober people should rally round 
the authority. How is it possible for them to 


support or stand by the Government, when the 
Government has paid no heed to what even they 
have urged upon Lord Reading and his Govern- 
ment for the last nine months ?" 


A message from Pandit Jawaharlal given 
on behalf of Pandit Motilal and others now in 
Lucknow District Jail to the men and women of 
the United Provinces. 

" We are in jail but we are most happy 
for we know you are carrying on the 
great fight. We know you have responded 
to the great call. Great cities like Lucknow, 
Allahabad and Benares have demonstrated your 
determination. You are to-day making a 
history which your children and your children's 
children, freed for ever from a foreign yoke, 
will glory in and unborn generations will bless 
your name. We pray for you. May the 
Lord bless you and give you strength to fight 
on till victory crowns your sacrifices ! To our 
own city of Allahabad, what shall we say? 
How shall we, who are of it, congratulate it 


or us ? Brave citizens ! The great and peaceful 
hartal, the march of hundreds of its children 
to jail and the enrolment of thousands in the 
army of Swaraj fill us with joy and hope. Our 
hearts are too full for many words. We can 
but offer our prayerful thanks to the Giver of 
all strength. May the flag of freedom Allaha- 
bad has unfurled ever fly and the sons and 
daughters of our city come forward in an 
unending stream to sacrifice themselves at the 
altar of Swaraj. " 



Students of Bengal ! You have ever been 
her hope and^strength. It 1 is you who have always 
felt, worked and suffered for her; you have 
obeyed her call, regardless of consequences ; you 
have held your country dearer than prospects in 
life ; you have been shadowed, spied on, insulted, 
imprisoned and exiled with hardly a word of 
love, sympathy or commiseration breathed for 
you. You have been misunderstood, misrepre- 


sented and maligned, <but you have not swerved 
from your duty. You have fed the famished, 
relieved the flood-stricken, regulated the rush of 
pilgrims during festivals, furthered the cause 
of peace and progress, received encomiums of 
the guardians of law and order, but at the 
next moment been handed over to the tend- 
er mercies of the police as criminals and 
culprits of the basest type. You have known 
many ups and downs, but have never been 
unduly elated or depressed. I am one of 
those who have an intimate knowledge of 
what you had to pay for your self-less devo- 
tion to your country. I am one of those who 
drained with you the bitter cup to the dregs. 
I know the stuff that is in you, I feel the 
pulse that beats in you, I dream the 
dream that sustains and inspires you on 
your dreary march. Will you then fail 
the country in this supreme crisis when she has 
just begun to go your way ? The stern disci- 
pline of suffering, the salutary school- 
ing of experience, the example and precept of 
the greatest living Indian have at last set you on 
the right road to salvation. Bring therefore to the 
altar of the Mother the offering of your holy 
ardour and enthusiasm. What is your education 


and instinct worth if interested cry is suffered to 
pass for public opinion, if sycophancy is suffered 
to masquerade as citizenship, if tales of petty 
personal inconveniences are suffered to flaunt 
themselves as correct reports of national happe- 
nings, if an honest appeal to national self-respect 
is suffered to be stigmatised as coercion and 
intimidation, if the proud man's "ipse dixite" are 
suffered to be elevated to the rank of facts and 
truths, if the most unwarranted restriction of 
your commonest right the right to speak, write, 
associate and serve is suffered to assume the 
sanctity and majesty of law ? Will you allow 
the God in you to be thus insulted? If not, then 
accept this challenge to your divinity; if 
not, then call up the spirit in you, if not, 
then meet hatred with love, misrepresentation 
with becoming silence, and persecution with 
noble self-suffering. You are out to teach how 
wrong ought to be righted, how the very germ of 
evil is to be killed by goodness, how to make 
the creed of suffering and sacrifice the established 
creed of the world, in short, to vindicate the 
innate dignity and majesty of your soul. One 
supreme effort is called for. Think and act. 


Brothers ! Up till yesterday have I been 
a practising lawyer ; to-day I step over the 
threshold of the jail. The feeling that has 
influenced me to this step is this : We are 
pledged to help justice but when injustice in the 
name of law and order seeks to impose itself on 
men, their conscience rebels. Then comes the 
time when we should ensure the reign of justice 
by opposing the encroachments of the so-called 
upholders of law and order. Under the im- 
pulse of the idea have I stood against the recent 
order of the Government of Bengal encroaching 
on our right of association, and persuasion 
" Bande Mataram." 

Mrs. C. R. Das 


Awake : Arise : Hear ye not your mother's 
call ? Oft, in days gone by, she came to you 
and spoke to you and you heard her not. She 
stands before you again to-day and speaks in 
accents clear and irresistible. And should she 
speak in vain ? Would you still hide your face 
in fear or would you, a free being as you are, 
rise and respond to her stern and imperious call? 

The national Congress sits on the 26th of 
December. Many of its trusted leaders and 
workers, young and old, will be absent from its 
deliberations for reasons which are known to 
you. These high-souled and selfless patriots, 
though absent, will be present there in spirit. 
Should you not be there to be cheered and inspi- 
red by their presence ? The President's Chair 
will remain vacant. What then ? His message 
to the Congress he has left with me and on the 
eve of his arrest he charged me, his wife, with 
the sacred duty of delivering it to you. Poor 
and unworthy as I am, I shall try to discharge 

MRS. C. R. DAS 91 

that sacred duty. That is my husband's wish, 
That is Mahatma Gandhi's wish. Will you not 
come and stand by me in this my solemn hour 
of trial ? Remember that for the last 40 years 
the Congress has been the only national institu- 
tion and its pandal the chosen field of our 
action. Here it is that our fathers decided to 
give battle to the powers that be. Here it is 
that the Swaraj Flag was hoisted and kept flying 
by those who have gone before us. Shall we 
abandon the flag at this critical moment and 
allow it to be captured by our opponents to be 
trampled on to our eternal shame ? I know you 
will not suffer it. Forget your differences, Come 
in your thousands. Rally round the Congress 
and keep the Swaraj Flag flying : sacrifice your- 
selves, if need be, on its sacred ramparts. The 
last call sounds: Hark "Arise": " Awake" 

Men and women of Bengal : I am proud of 
what you have achieved during the course of a 
week. I glory in your sacrifices unstintedly and 
ungrudgingly made for the cause. Who can 
read the long roll of arrests and imprisonments 
but with a thrill of joy and hope ? Who can 
witness the cheerful march of the pilgrims to the 
"Swaraj Ashram" but with tears of admiration in 
his eyes ? The fight has just begun. The fight 


will be long and arduous. If soul-force counts 
for anything in the world, the victory is ours. 

The Congress has decided that a Hartal 
should be observed in Calcutta on the 24th of 
December. In this no insult is intended to the 
Prince. I, as a mother should be the last person 
to hurt the feelings of one so young and tender, 
and also brave. But the nation has deci- 
ded that it is unable to extend to the Prince any 
welcome as a nation. It is your solemn duty 
to observe the Hartal. But remember that the 
Hartal is an expression of our national mourning. 
Observe it in a spirit of reverence and humility, 
above all, non-violence. 

To you, my younger brothers and sisters, I 
say : you are your Mother's hope, her pride, her 
joy. March onward to victory and to glory. 
Dec. 16, 1921. 




Fear of Jail Fast Vanishing. 

A public meeting under the auspices of the 
Mandvi Ward District Congress Committee 
was held on Wednesday when Mr. Patel deli- 
vered the following thoughtful speech on the 
present situation. 

Friends, In opening the proceedings of 
this meeting you will allow me to speak what is 
uppermost in my mind and I believe in the mind 
of every one of you : namely, the present situa- 
tion. I have no heart in the business which 
has brought us together this evening. Repres- 
sion is in the full swing in the country. Every 
day every wind that blows brings some news of 
the arrest in every nook and corner in our 
country of our prominent coworkers. Two 
ex-Presidents and the President Elect of the 
Congress not to talk of several hundreds of our 
countrymen are already on a 'jail pilgrimage. I 
frankly confess I was not prepared for this feat 
of the bureaucracy, particularly at a time when 
our future Sovereign is touring in our midst. 


You will pardon me, therefore, if I, instead of 
talking to you on the ensuing Municipal elec- 
tions, talk of our duty at this critical juncture. 
The situation in the country is of the gravest 
character and danger. The attitude of the 
authorities that be is unmistakable. They are 
determined to " see the matter through at all 
costs " to use the words of Sir Harcourt Butler. 
The mentality of a section of our countrymen 
who have seceeded from the Congress and are 
now co-operating with the Government is also 
equally certain. Sir Binode Mittra, with full 
knowledge of the arrests of the three ladies of 
the President Elect's family, pledged the fullest 
support of the Moderate-party to the ex-Chief 
Justice of England in an after-dinner spaech 
only the other day at Calcutta. Pandit Motilal 
Nehru is sentenced to six months and yet the 
Raja of Mahmudabad retains his seat on the 
U. P. Fxecutive Council. Lala Harkishanlal 
sticks to his post in spite of the arrest of Lala 
Lajpatrai. I know there is some feeling of 
resentment here and there even in the Moderate 
party over this mad policy of the Government. 
It has been reported that an M. L, C. or an 
M. L. A. left the dinner party held in honour of 
the Viceroy at Calcutta immediately after the 


news of the arrests of the three brave ladies 
reached them. So also Mr. Raza Ali, member 
of the Council of State, has sent a telegram of 
warning and protest to the Viceroy. Four 
M* L. A.'s have issued a statement to the press 
under their signatures urging Government to 
call a round table conference of leaders of all 
shades of political thought in the country. 
Mr. A. C. Banerji writes to the press that Sir 
Surendranath Banerji has authorised him to 
state that the latter has no hand in the repres- 
sive policy inaugurated by the Government of 
Bengal. If this be true, I do not under- 
stand how Sir Surendranath can remain in 
office and at the same time authorize Mr. 
Banerji to publish the statement. But what 
is -the good, pray, of these protests, mani- 
festoes, statements, and resentments if they 
are going to hold fast to their posts notwith- 
standing ? Did not Mr. Samarth speaking on 
behalf of the Moderate deputation, tell the 
Parliamentary Joint Committee that if certain 
demands which he named were not granted 
there would be an agitation irt the country of 
such a character that it may stagger imagination? 
Mr. Samarth's prophecy has no doubt come 
true ; but alas where is Mr. Samarth ? Did not 


Sir Chimanlal Setalvad and Sir Ibrahim Rahimu- 
tulla raise their voices and vote against the Bom- 
bay Government's sanction to prosecute the Ali 
Brothers : but they are there still co-operating 
with the Government. Who does not know 
that if our Moderate friends rise in a body 
from the Government and the Councils, even 
now, the bureaucracy would have to yield in no 
time ? Let us only hope that these good friends 
of ours will belie their past traditions and 
rise to the occasion at this grave crisis. But 
what is our duty at this juncture and under 
these circumstances ? Our first and most 
sacred duty at this vital juncture is that we 
Congress men should sink all our differences 
and present an organized and united front. I 
want you to bear in mind that three things are 
essential for the success of this great and novel 
experiment. I use the word " Novel " because 
I know of no precedent in human history 
where a nation has obtained freedom by means 
of civil disobedience. If we are successful in 
this experiment our achievement will be a 
lasting object lesson to the whole world. The 
first essential condition of our success is that 
we should remain perfectly nonviolent in thou- 
ght, word and deed. We are out to suffer and 


not to inflict sufferings. It is by self-suffering 
that we hope to bring about the desired result. 
The issue is plain. The bureaucracy wants to 
impose its will on us by repression and oppres- 
sion. We on the other hand wish to impose our 
will on the bureaucracy by our suffering. Heaven 
only knows the extent and the intensity of 
the suffering that is in store for us in this process. 
The other two conditions, therefore, are that 
the fear of jail and the fear of death both must 
disappear from our minds. Congressmen in 
their thousands must be prepared to go to jail 
and also to lay down their lives if necessary. 
I have no doubt that if India can give a million 
soldiers for this purpose success is sure. It is a 
matter of sincere congratulations to know that 
the fear of jail is fast vanishing away and the 
events of the last few days are indeed an indica- 
tion of a very hopeful outlook. In spite of the 
arrests of our first rank leaders as also the in- 
discriminating arrests of hundreds of our co- 
workers in different parts of India the country 
has remained perfectly non-violent. 



The following is the text of Lala Lajpat- 
rai's letter to Mahatma Gandhi just on the eve 
of Lalaji's arrest : 

Dear Mahatmaji, I am writing this to you 
so early as in all probability I will be arrested 
by this evening^ I am sorry I may look to have 
disregarded your wishes but the circumstances 
are such as leave me no alternative. We have 
called a meeting of the Punjab Provincial Con- 
gress Committee for to-day 2 p.m. The Deputy 
Commissioner calls it a public meeting. Yester- 
day we received a notice from him asking us for 
the agenda and an assurance that no business 
not in the agenda would be transacted. We 
have refused to comply, maintaining that the 
meeting is not public and that it does not come 
within the Act. Most probably he will prohibit 
the meeting. He has also served us with a 
notice calling ward meetings of ward Congress 
Committees also public. This means an entire 
stoppage of work. His orders are illegal, and if 
we had the option of fighting we might have 
won. But this is not to be. 


Under the circumstances it is impossible for 
me to keep away from the meeting. It will be 
sheer cowardice. Please pardon me if my action 
does not meet with your approval. I am quite 
happy and cheerful and will not whine for 
favours. I am going to insist on being treated 
as an ordinary prisoner even if they are so mag- 
nanimous as to offer me some privilege which I 
don't believe they will. Rest assured I will not 
bring disgrace on your movement. Pardon me 
if I have ever seemed to be critical and distrust- 
ful. In all my actions only one motive has been 
uppermost in my thoughts, viz. that of loyalty 
to my country and my people. If I have erred, 
I have erred in good faith. Even in my criti- 
cisms of my moderate friends I have had no 
other motive. I believed in what I said and I 
believe in it still. But if I was wrong they can 
pardon a mistaken comrade. I believe we are 
on the right path and that only non-violent non- 
co-operation can help us in achieving our goal. 

The Sikh non-co-operators have set a 
noble example. Of course all of them are not 
Congressmen and the motive force behind their 
present behaviour is religion. But that makes 
no difference so long as the spirit of suffering 
for a principle is there. The Sikh community 


has so far kept its temper admirably well in 
spite of the provocations given. Most of the 
arrests have been made in the presence of 
hundreds and thousands. Please read the 
accounts in the " Tribune " and make your own 
comments. Our Sikh friends deserve all the 
praise one can bestow on brave, noble, sufferers 
in the cause of truth. 

We have selected Aga Safdar as my 
successor in the office of the President Provin- 
cial Congress Committee and I have in 
consultation drawn up a programme for im- 
mediate action. 

Mr. Stokes was this morning arrested at 
one of the roadside stations for what offence 
and under what law I don't know. If I am 
still free by this evening I shall write to you 
again. If not good bye and farewell. Your 
devoted comrade 


[The reader will appreciate my sharing the 
foregoing with him. It is remarkable how 

every leader has made complete arrangements 
in anticipation of going to goal. Of course 

Lalaji could not have acted otherwise than he 
did. I was anxious for him, if it was naturally 
possible, not to seek arrest'- till after the Con- 


gress. But in the circumstances that faced him, 
he could not avoid attending the meeting with- 
out hurting the cause. A general ceases to be 
general when he shirks battle that is offered to 
him. In every action of Lalaji I see nothing 
but thoughtfulness and calm courage. I fully 
endorse Lalaji's tribute to the Sikhs. Their 
resolute behaviour, their religious fervour, their 
calmness and their suffering commend my 
highest admiration. One sees in everything 
that is happening in the country the throes of a 
new birth. May God grant that no hasty 
action, no outbreak of violence impede our 
unmistakable progress towards our destined 
goal." Young India/' M. K. G.] 



Suffering for the sake of an ideal is good 
for the soul. The opportunity for such suffering 
has been sent to me also by Providence and I am 
thankful. The achieving of true Swaraj, true 
Self-Government, the Government of the Higher 
Self over the lower in the individual as well as 
the communal life is a high ideal. I have tried 
to express my idea of its nature and form in 
various writings. I hope the Congress authori- 
ties may accept it and publish it to the people 
in order to guide and steady the people's enthusi- 
asm by clear vision of the goal. I hope that 
friends in Benares and elsewhere will help to 
keep alive the Kashi Vidya Pitha, my last effort 
with the most generous help of my dear gold- 
hearted friend Shivaprasad Gupta and others to 
establish a new centre of reformed education 
the foundation of reformed individual and com- 
munal life. I hope that the leaders of the 
various creeds will teach their followings to dis- 
tinguish between the heart essentials which are 
common to all and the external rites and cere- 
monies which are special to each and accidental 


and thereby bring about the mutual understand- 
ing and peace between the races and the 
nations. I express my deep gratitude to my 
brothers the English gentlemen who constitute 
the Government of India for making themselves 
the instruments of Providence to test the capacity 
of the Indian people for self-sacrifice which is 
the only foundation of true self-Government 
the self-sacrifice of suffering for truth and right 
without retaliation which is specially becoming 
to the soul of India and will help to re-establish 
the universal religion of peace on earth and good 
will among men. I hope that all to whom I 
may have caused any hurt will forgive me. I 
send greetings to all Theosophist friends per- 
sonally known and unknown in all countries* 


Lord Reading is puzzled and perplexed. 
Speaking in reply to the addresses from the 
British Indian Association and the Bengal Na- 
tional Chamber of Commerce at Calcutta, His 
Excellency said, " I confess that when I contem- 
plate the activities of a section of the community, 
I find myself still, not withstanding persistent 
study ever since I have been in India, puzzled 
and perplexed. I ask myself what purpose is 
served by flagrant breaches of the law for the 
purpose of challenging the Government and in 
order to compel arrest ?" The answer was 
partly given by Pandit Motilal -Nehru when he 
said on being arrested that he was being taken 
to the house of freedom. We seek arrest because 
the so called Freedom is slavery. We are chal- 
lenging the might of this Government because 
we consider its activity to be wholly evil. We ' 
want to overthrow the Government. We want 
to compel its submission to the people's will. 
We desire to show that the Government exists 
to serve the people, not the people the Govern- 
ment. Free life under the Government has 


become intolerable; for, the price exacted for the 
retention of freedom is unconscionably great. 
Whether we are one or many, we must refuse to 
purchase freedom at the cost of our self-respect 
or our cherished convictions. I have known 
even little children become unbending when an 
attempt has been made to cross their declared 
purpose, be it ever so flimsy in the estimation of 
their parents. 

Lord Reading must clearly understand that 
the non-co-operato*s are at war with the Govern- 
ment. They have declared rebellion against it 
in as much as it has committed a breach of 
faith with the Musalmans, it has humiliated the 
Punjab and it insists upon imposing its will 
upon the people and refuses to repair the breach 
and repent for the wrong done in the Punjab. 

There were two ways open to the people 
the way of armed rebellion and the way of 
peaceful revolt. Non-co-operators have chosen 
some out of weakness, some out of strength, the 
way of peace, i. e., voluntary suffering. 

If the people are behind the sufferers, the 
Government must yield or be overthrown. If 
the people are not with them they have at least 
the satisfaction of not having sold their freedom. 
In an armed conflict the more violent is 


generally the victor. The way of peace and 
suffering is the quickest method of cultivating 
public opinion, and therefore when victory is 
attained it is for what the world regards as 
Truth. Bred in the atmosphere of law courts, 
Lord Reading finds it difficult to appreciate the 
peaceful resistance to authority. His Excel- 
lency will learn by the time the conflict is over 
that there is a higher court, than courts of 
justice and that is the court of conscience. It 
supersedes all other courts 

Lord Reading is welcome to treat all the 
sufferers as lunatics, 'who do not know their own 
interest. He is entitled therefore to put them 
out of harm's way. It is an arrangement that 
entirely suits the lunatics and it is an ideal 
situation if it also suits the Government. He 
will have cause to complain if having courted 
imprisonment, non-co-operators fret and fume 
or ' whine for favours' as Lalaji puts it. The 
strength of a non-co-operator lies in his going 
to gaol uncomplainingly. He looses his case 
if having courted imprisonment he begins to 
grumble immediately his courtship is rewarded. 

The threats used by His Excellency are 

unbecoming. This is a fight to the finish. It is 

conflict between the reign of violence and of 


public opinion. Those who are fighting for the 
latter are determined to submit to any violence 
rather than surrender their opinion. 

This outgoing Committee will meet for 
the last time under most trying circumstances. 
Of the fifteen members Deshabandu Das, Lala 
Lajpatrai, Pandit Motilal Nehru and Maulana 
Abdul Kalam Azad who was just appointed at 
Delhi in the place of Maulana Mahomed Ali will 
be absent being his Majesty's guests in some of 
those hotels called prisons. I therefore suggest 
that the provinces from which these patriots 
come should send one representative each a day 
earlier so that they may at least give the benefit- 
of their advice to the Committee although they 
may not vote thereat. I would suggest to the 
other provinces also which are not directly r e 
presented on the Committee to send one 
representative each to guide the deliberation 
of the Committee. 

The eventful meeting of this Committee 
takes place on the 24th instant. On its decision 
will rest the future programme. Every member 
who can will, I hope, attend the meeting. Every 
member will be expected to give his own inde- 


pendent opinion. To give one's opinion is to 
act according to it. No mechanical majority is 
of value at this moment of national history. If 
we vote for a particular programme we must have 
faith in it and we must be prepared to enforce it 
at the risk of our lives. We must widen the 
gates of prisons and we must enter them as a 
bridegroom enters the bride's chamber. Free- 
dom is to be wooed only inside prison walls 
and sometimes on the gallows, never in the 
council chambers, courts or the schoolroom. 
Freedom is the most capricious jilt ever known 
to the world. She is the greatest temptress 
most difficult to please. No wonder she builds 
her temples in gaols or on inaccessible heights 
and laughs at us as we attempt to scale the 
prison wall or (in the hope of reaching her 
temple on some Himalayan height) wade through 
hills and dales strewn with thorns. The mem- 
bers of the Committee must therefore come 
with a fixed purpose whatever it may be. It is 
well with us if not believing in courting imprison" 
ment we own the fact and suggest other reme- 
dies. I would decline, if I was the only one, to 
give my vote for prisons, if I did not believe in 
them at this stage or any other. And I would 
vote without faltering, for them if I believed in 


them and even though I had no supporter* 
No leisurely programme can meet the situation. 
We who are outside the prison walls have con- 
stituted ourselves trustees for those who are 
inside those life-giving walls and we best 
discharge our trust by imitating our principles 
and getting inside those walls throwing the bur- 
den of the trust on our successors. 


Therefore if we believe in our programme, 
we must not mind if the Government non-co- 
operate with us in every particular. I hear 
from Mr. Rajagopalachari and Agha Safdar 
that they are not permitted to send full tele- 
grams, It is a surprise to me that they permit 
the transmission of any telegrams at all or let 
us travel or meet each other. Having made up 
my mind to expect ithe worst, nothing that the 
Government does in the shape of curbing our 
activity surprises or irritates me. It is strugg- 
ling for its very existence and I feel that I would 
have done much the same that this govern- 
ment is doing if I was in its place. Probably I 
should do much worse. Why should we expect 
it to refrain from using the powers it has ? Only 
we must find the means of living and carrying, 


on our non-co-operation without its aid. We 
must keep our heads even if inter-provincial 
communication is denied to us. Having got our 
programme each province must be able to carry 
on its own activity. Indeed it may even be an 
advantage, t for in the event of communication 
being cut off, we should be unaffected by 
reverses in other provinces. Thus for instance 
the Punjab need not be affected by Gujarat 
weakening and surrendering body and soul to 
the Government or say Assam going stark 
mad or becoming unexpectedly violent. Let not 
the reader fear any such possibility, for Assam 
is keeping exceptionally sane in spite of grave 
provocation and Gujarat will give, I hope a good 
account of itself in the near future. The 
Government of Bombay probably knows its busi- 
ness better than others. It has certainly greater 
forbearance and tact. It is giving the non-co- 
operators as long a rope as they want. And as 
the latter do want to be hanged if they do not 
get what they want, they are taking the longest 
rope. 'But that is by the way. Clouds no bigger 
than a man's hand have a knack of appearing in 
the Indian horizon and all of a sudden assuming 
dangerous dimensions. The point I wish to 
drive home is, that we must prepare ourselves 


against and for all complications and never be 
baffled by them, certainly never be taken aback 
when the expected happens. 



Sir, After Moulana Abul Kalam's arrest 
I found the following message with some other 
notes among Moulana's papers, and I send it 
to the press as desired by him. 

Yours faithfully 
F.d. Ahmad 
Private Secy. 
to Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. 


To-day is the morning of the 8th instant. 
Last evening I received information from some 
reliable sources that the Government of Bengal 
has after consulting the Viceroy decided to arrest 
me and Mr. C. R. Das. As for me, the Govern- 
ment seems to have decided to proeecute me if I 


my departure from Calcutta. A friend sent to 
me by the Government gave me a timely war- 
ning to this effect. But I regret that I had to 
disappoint the Government in this respect also 
as well as another as my creed at the present 
moment is not to obey but to disobey. 

I decided this on full consideration. For many 
reasons my presence here was indispensable. By 
resaons I mean that any time that is available 
should not be wasted. By the grace of God 
the opportunity now given to Calcutta is much 
more valuable and important than anything 
else and I am sure I am not wrong in this belief. 

The Government has very kindly relieved 
me of the great responsibility by deciding on 
my arrest. God alone knows how much it pained 
rne to have remained outside the jail so far. Those 
who go ahead scarcely know the feelings of 
those left behind. Mohammad Ali, Shaukat 
Ali, Lala La j pat Rai and Pandit Motilal Nehru 
have completed their journeys while I am 
still lagging behind in the way. I have now 
begun to feel that I am coming to the end of my 
journey and my heart is full of joy and happi- 
ness because I am leaving the last but a success- 
ful field behind. 

I have called the preurt field of activity 


in Calcutta "the last and successful field" and 
that is what I fairly believe it to be. In a short 
time the country will see what could not be 
accomplished in the last three years by the who- 
le country, will be done by Calcutta within a 
few days. Of course to bring all this to a final 
issue only one further step was necessary but I 
am not now anxious on this score as I believe 
that the Government of Bengal will complete our 
work by its own actions. If both myself and Mr. 
C. R. Das are arrested within the next two or 
three days the incident will bring a new life and 
awakening not only to Calcutta but to the whole 
of Bengal. The last three years of my Liberty 
could not arouse Bengal from its profound sleep 
but I hope our arrest would do that in a moment. 
In my arrest I see a new turn on the part 
of the Mussalmans of India and 1 especially look 
upon my brothers in the Punjab and N. W. 
Frontier and Behar. My Muslim brothers of 
these provinces have always given a willing and 
an affectionate ear to my words and have always 
believed in and relied upon them. For the last 
10 years they have been the centre of all my 
hopes. I believe that my arrest will prove for 
them my last message. By my silence after 
my arrest they will understand fully what I 


could not explain to them by my continuous 
speeches and writings during the last three years. 
Thus the Government of Bengal is rendering a 
valuable service not only to Bengal but to the 
whole of India. 


If I am arrested the following message be 
sent to Mahatmaji on my behalf : 

I take the opportunity to congratulate you 
on your success. I hope you will not accuse me 
of being hasty in this respect. I am looking for- 
ward to that much longed for moment and I 
would not like others to surprise me in tendering 
the congratulations. You are every 'day running 
short of human aid as your colleagues are being 
frequently arrested but Divine Aid is on the 
other hand increasing. The recent disturbance 
in Bombay had caused you great pain and I 
felt much aggrieved to see you so unhappy and 
restless on that account. But Calcutta is now 
aroused in order to present to you the pleasant 
fruits of success in place of your sorrowful 
feelings of the past. 

We had last had a talk about Calcutta on 
the 25th November and I am glad that the as- 
surance given to you then has proved to be right. 


I am working in Calcutta for the last 15 years 
and my family have been residing here for about 
50 years and therefore the assurance given was 
based on my personal knowledge and belief. The 
Muslims of Calcutta have done most important 
work in connection with the Khilafat movement 
during the last three years, and in this last stage 
also Calcutta will take the lead. It has under- 
stood the moral of peaceful sacrifice. It will 
neither flare up nor extinguish but the fire will 
continue to burn on. It appears that the share 
of completing the stage of peaceful civil disobe- 
dience has fallen on Calcutta, to which it has a 

My first message of ten years ago is also 
my last message of today i.e., " Be neither 
harassed nor sorrowful. If you can cultivate 
the real faith in you, you can predominate all ". 
The foundation of our success is based upon the 
following four principles viz. 

(1) Complete unity among Hindus and 
Mussalmans, (2) Peace (3) Organization, (4) 
Sacrifice and firmness. 



I will particularly appeal to my Muslim 
brothers to keep in mind their religious tradi- 
tions jind truths and to get ahead of their Hindu 
brethren in these present critical times. If they 
lag behind it will be for them an act of utter 
shame and disgrace in the eyes of the forty 
crores of Musalmans of the world. I will also 
particularly ask them to be faithful to their 
Hindu brothers and even if one or a few of them 
were to do something unpleasant they would 
excuse them for it but not in any way hurt their 
feelings. They should also see that they do not 
commit an act which would give cause to 
friction in their sacred unity. Secondly they 
should place complete confidence in the Mahat- 
maji and act up to his instructions with full, 
sincerity and firmness unless he asks them to do 
anything against Islam (which, I know, he would 
never do). 

-As for the work done by the above Com- 
mittee, I am fully satisfied. The presence of 
its courageous and ardent President, Saith 
Chhotani is in itself a guarantee of its success. 


My friend, Dr Sayed Mahmood, is already work- 
ing vigorously as' Secretary. Mr. M. Saddiq 
Khatri is also there to help him. I trust the 
office-bearers and officials have not forgotten 
what I told them while last at Bombay and 
their united life and activities will not let our 
absence be felt. 

The present circumstances have thrown on 
your shoulders the burden of our duties in 
addition to those of yours. It seems to have 
been destined that all the work in the outside 
should be done by you. It would he well if you 
go to Bombay and leave Delhi to itself. 


I regret I could not get time to finish the 
programme of the above fund. Presumably ten 
lakhs have been collected by now. Formerly, 
the time for these collections was fixed up to 
the end of this month but I think it should be 
extended for a month more and collections 
continued up to the end of January. I was 
thinking of fixing a date at the middle of 
December for the purpose and work on the lines 


of census work. I was to notify before hand 
that the collectors of this fund will go out on a 
particular day or days, that everybody should 
remain indoors on that particular day and give 
their little mite to the fund. It should be arra- 
nged at least once for all that the Muslim of 
India should make some sacrifice for the protec- 
tion of Islam and the Khilafat. But when 
I reached Calcutta I found that the times were 
not suited for such a step. I now wish that 
a declaration to this effect be made at the Ahm- 
edabad Khilafat Conference and date fixed for 
the purpose in the month of January. 


The body of the Jamiat Ul-Ulema is at 
present very important with a big responsibility. 
This is a Council of Ulemas and there is none 
besides them to guide the Muslims in their religi- 
ous and worldly matters. The Jamiat have 
before them an important religious item. May 
God give them strength and guide them to 
.arrive at a better conclusion with due concur- 
rence. At the present moment I respectfully 
beg to remind them of the following points : 

(1) Unity among you members is the 
fundamental principle of our success (2) You are 


far from looking into the necessity of Hindu- 
Muslim unity and its importance from a religi- 
ous point of view. It should be preserved at all 
costs, and it is entirely in your hands (3) All the 
Ulemas, and specially, members of the Jamiat 
should attend the Ahmedabad Congress and this 
should be arranged by the Jamiat-ul Ulema (4) 
Action be at once taken on the Resolution pass- 
ed at Lahore, for enlisting members and bring 
it to the fixed number as early as possible. 


I would also like to say a word or two to 
Sir Henry Wheeler and Mr. Clerk, Commission- 
er of Police Calcutta, and that. is that there shall 
be a u Complete and Successful Hartal" on the 
24th and the works of the Congress and Khilafat 
Committees will continue with re-doubled zeal 
.and energy after we are arrested. 


After four year's of my internment I was 
set at liberty in December 1919 and now after 
two years I am again going to jail. May God 
help and guide you and keep you all firm in the 
path of truth and the cause of the country. 

Abul Kalam Azad. 
Calcutta, 8th December, 1921. 



" I have set forth my views in the forth- 
coming issue of the " Young India " but I 
may briefly state that the idea of the conference 
between persons belonging to different parties for 
the purpose of exchanging views or joint action 
is always welcome to me as it tends, if it does 
nothing else, to remove cobwebs and to promote 
mutual confidence. But I doubt the success of 
the conference that might be called by the 
Government unless the Government changes its 
attitude about the fundamental grievances which 
have brought about the crisis and unless the 
Government is prepared to yield to the express 
wish of the people. In my opinion repression is 
doing a world of good. 1 1 is opening the eyes 
of everybody and enabling everybody to see the 
Government in its true light. No conference 
convened by the Government can be successful 
unless it has satisfied itself that a large number 
of earnest men and women are ready to suffer 
every form of hardship without retaliation for 
the purpose of gaining a just end. 



Ahmedabad, dec. 21. 

Referring to Lord Ronaldshay's speech at 
the Bengal Legislative Council on Monday last, 
Mr. Gandhi made the following statement: 

I have read Lord Ronaldshay's * speech in 
the Bengal Legislative Council. Whilst I app- 
reciate the note of conciliation about it I cannot 
help saying that it is most misleading. I do not 
want to criticise those Parts of the speech 
which lend . themselves to criticism. I simply 
want to say, that the present situation is entir- 
ely his own and the Viceroy's doing. In spite of 
my strong desire to avoid suspecting the Gove- 
rnment of India and the local Governments of a 
wish to precipitate a conflict with the people, 
up to now all that I have heard and read leads 
me to the conclusion that my suspicion is 
justified. Whilst I do not wish to deny the 
existence of some sort of pressure, even intimida- 
tion, on the part of individuals, I do wish emp- 
hatically to deny that in connection with the 
phenomenal "hartal" on the 17th November in 
Calcutta there was any intimidation initiated by 
or on behalf of the local Congress or 
the Khilfat Committee. On the contrary j 


.am certain that the influence exerted by both 
these bodies was in the direction of avoiding 
all intimidation. Moral pressure there certainly 
was and will always be in all big movements 
but it must be clear to the simplest understanding 
that a complete "hartal," such as Calcutta 
witnessed on the 17th November, would be an 
impossibility by mere intimidation. But, assume 
that there was intimidation, was there any 
reason for disbanding Volunteer Corps, Prohibi- 
ting public meetings, and enforcing laws which are 
under promise of repeal. Why has no attempt 
been made to prove a single case of intimidation ? 
It grieves me to have to say that the Governor 
of Bengal has brought in the discovery of swo- 
rds or sword sticks in one place in Calcutta to 
discredit large public organisations. Who 
intimidated the people into observing a complete 
"hartal" in Allahabad, after all the leaders were 
arrested, and in spite of the reported undue 
official pressure that was exercised upon shop- 
keepers and gharriwalas at that place? 

Again His Lordship says: "If we are to 
assume that this development means there is a 
genuine desire to bring about improvement, there 
must be a favourable atmosphere, in other words, 
it will be generally agreed that a truce must be 


an essential preliminary to any possible Con- 
ference. If responsible leaders of non co-opera- 
tion now come forward with definite assurance 
that this is the correct interpretation, I should 
then say we were in sight of such a change of 
circumstances as would justify the Government 
in reconsidering the position, but words must be 
backed by deeds. If I weire satisfied only that 
there was a general desire for the Conference 
and that responsible non-co-operation leaders 
were prepared to take action, then I should be 
prepared to recommend my Government to take 
steps in consonance with the altered situation." 
This is highly misleading. If wherever 
the words non-co-operation leaders occur, the 
word Government was put in, and if the whole 
of the statement came from a non-co-operator 
it would represent the correct situation. Non- 
co-operators have really to do nothing, for they 
have precipitated nothing. They are over- 
cautious. The disturbance in Bombay was 
allowed to override their keen desire to take up 
aggressive Civil Disobedience, but in the present 
circumstances the phrase civil disobedience is 
really a misnomer. What the non-co-operators 
are doing to-day I claim every co-operator would 
do to-morrow under similar circumstances, when 


the Government of India or the local Govern- 
ments attempt to make our political existence or 
agitation, no matter how peaceful, an utter 
impossibility. May we not resist such attempt 
by every lawful means at our disposal. I 
cannot imagine anything more lawful or more 
natural than we should continue our volunteer 
organisation purging them of every tendency to 
become violent and continue also to hold public 
meetings taking the consequences of such a step. 
Is it not proof of the law abiding instinct of 
hundreds of young men and old men that they 
have meekly, without offering any defence and 
without complaining, accepted imprisonment for 
having dared to exercise their elementary rights 
in the face of Government persecution, and so 
it is the Government which is to prove its 
genuine desire for a Conference and an ultimate 
settlement. It is the Government which has to 
arrest the fatal course along which repression 
is taking it. It is the Government that is to 
prove to non-co-operators its bona fides r before 
it can expect them to take part in any Con- 
ference. When they do that, it will find that 
there is an absolutely peaceful atmosphere. 
Non-co-operation when the Government is not 
resisting anything except violence is a most 


harmless thing. There is really nothing for us 
to suspend. We cannot be expected until there 
is actual settlement or guarantee of settlement 
to ask school boys to return to Government 
schools, or lawyers to resume practice, or public 
men become candidates for the Councils, or 
title holders to ask for the return of their titles. 
In the nature of things it is therefore clear that 
the non-co-operators have to do nothing. 

Speaking personally I can certainly say 
that if there is a genuine desire for a Conference 
I would be the last person to advise precipitating 
aggressive civil disobedience, which certainly it 
is my intention to do, immediately I am entirely 
satisfied that the people have understood the 
secret of non-violence, and Let me say the last 
ten days' events have shown that the people 
seem clearly to understand its inestimable value. 
If, then, the Government recognises that the 
non-co-operators mean business they intend to 
suffer limitlessly for the attainment of their 
goal let the Government unconditionally retrace 
its steps, cancel the notification about the 
disbandment of volunteer organisations, and 
prohibition of public meetings and release all 
those men in the different provinces who have 
been arrested, and sentenced for so-called civil 


disobedience or for any other purpose given 
under the definition of non-co-operation, but 
excluding acts of violence, actual or intended. 
Let the Government come down with a heavy 
hand on every act of violence or incitement to it, 
but we must claim the right for all time of 
expressing our opinions freely and educating 
public opinion by every legitimate and non- 
violent means. It is therefore the Government 
who have really to undo the grave wrong they 
have perpetrated and they can have the Con- 
ference they wish under a favourable atmosphere. 
Let me also say that so far as I am concerned 
I want no Conference to consider the ways and 
means of dealing with non-co-operation. The 
only Conference that can at all avail at this 
stage is a Conference called to deal with the 
causes of the present discontent namely, the 
Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs and Swaraj. 
Any Conference again which can usefully sit 
at the present stage must be a Conference that 
is really representative and not a Conference to 
which only those \vhom the Government desire 
are invited. 



Ahmedabad, Dec. 23. 
Writing in " Young India " Mahatma 
Gandhi says that, if Lord Reading was trying 
legitimately to suppress popular lawlessness he 
must study and regulate the development of his 
campaign which he would not even allow to be 
called repression. 

His subordinates being interested parties 
had gone out of hand. He must forthwith 
resign or at least publicly disown and condemn 
illegalities and assaults and not attempt to 
excuse them on the flimsy plea of trying times. 
A Round-table conference was bound to prove 
abortive till Lord Reading was disabused of the 
idea that Non-co-operation was confined to a 
few misguided zealots. 

If he wanted co-operation and contentment 
he must placate Non-co-operation. 



An appeal of Mrs. C. R. Das, says Mahat- 
ma Gandhi has given this massage to Bengal 
about hartal : The honour of leaders requires the 


people of Calcutta to observe complete hartal. 
It will be proof of their confidence in their 
leaders and proof also of the exercise of their 
own free-will. Merchants of Calcutta have now 
a chance of showing their determination and in- 
dependence by observing complete hartal in 
spite of withdrawal of leaders. It is more 
necessary than ever for people now to observe 
hartal on 24th. People of Calcutta cannot do 
better than simply keep themselves at home on 
24th except volunteers whose duty it will be to 
protect from harm those who may choose to 
open their shops. I am hoping that people of 
Calcutta will not fail to do their obvious duty 
on 24th inst. 

This Message also expresses our decision, our 
determination. It embodies also our last and 
and final word on the hartal in Bengal. Reli- 
giously observe hartal all over Bengal. Keep 
yourself at home on the 24th. Stir not out of 
your houses on any provocation whatever. 
Heed not what the Govt. of Bengal and other 
interested people say in the matter. Put no 
faith in rumours and misrepresentations which 
prejudice of power may invent. We leave the 
honour of Bengal in your hands, and we know 
it is safe, God help us :Basanti Debi. 


No yielding in Fundamentals. 

I must confess that I have read the 
Viceregal utterance with deep pain. I was 
totally unprepared for what I must respectfully 
call his mischievous misrepresentation of the 
attitude of the Congress and the Khilafat organi- 
sations in connection with the visit of His Royal 
Highness the Prince of Wales. Every resolution 
passed by either organisation and every speaker 
has laid the greatest stress upon the fact that 
there was no question of showing the slightest 
ill-will against the Prince or exposing him 
to any affront. The boycott was purely a ques- 
tion of principle and directed against what we 
have held to be the unscrupulous methods of the 
bureaucracy. I have always, held, as I hold even 
now, that the Prince has been brought to India in 
order to strengthen the hold of the Civil Service 
Corporation, which has brought India into a 
state of abject pauperism and political serfdom. 
If I am proved to be wrong in my supposition 
that the visit has that sinister meaning, I shall 
gladly apologise. 


It is equally unfortunate for the Viceroy to 
say that the boycott of the welcome meant an 
affront to the British people. His Excellency 
does not ralise what grievous wrong he is doing 
to his own people by confusing them with the 
British administration in India. Does he wish 
India to infer that the British administrators 
here represent the British people and that the 
agitation directed against their methods is an 
agitation against the British people. If such is 
the Viceregal contention and if to conduct a 
vigorous and effective agitation against the 
methods of the bureaucracy and to describe them 
in their true colours is an affront to the British 
people, then I am afraid I must plead guilty. 

But, then, I must also say in all humility 
that the Viceroy has entirely misread and mis- 
understood the great national awakening that is 
taking place in India. I repeat, for the thou- 
sandth time, that it is not hostile to any nation 
or any body of men, but it is deliberately aimed 
at the system under which the . Government of 
India is being to-day conducted and I promise 
that no threats and no enforcement of threats 
by the Viceroy or any body of men will strangle 
that agitation or send to rest that awakening. 


I have said in my reply to Lord Ronald- 
shay's speech that we have not taken the 
offensive. We are not the aggressors. We 
have not got to stop any single activity. It is 
the Government that is to stop its aggravatingly 
offensive activity aimed, not, at violence, but 
at the lawful, disciplined, stern, but absolutely 
non-violent, agitation. It is for the Government 
of India and, for it alone, to bring about a peace- 
ful atmosphere, if it so desires. It has hurled 
a bombshell in the midst of material rendered 
inflammable by its own action and wonders that 
the material is still not inflammable enough to 

The immediate issue is not now the redress 
of the three wrongs. The immediate issue is 
the right of holding public meetings and the 
right of forming associations for peace purposes, 
and, in vindicating this right, we are fighting 
the battle, not merely on behalf of Non-co- 
operators, but are fighting the battle for all 
India down from the peasant up to the prince 
and for all schools of politics. It is the one 


condition of any organic growth and I see in 
the Viceregal pronouncement an insistence upon 
submission to a contrary doctrine, which an 
erstwhile exponent of the law of liberty has seen 
fit to lay down, upon finding himself in an 
atmosphere where there is little regard for law 
and order on the part of those very men who 
are supposed to be custodians of law and order. 

I have only to point to the unprovoked 
assault being committed, not in isolated cases, 
not in one place, but in Bengal, in the Punjab, 
in Delhi and in the United Provinces. I have no 
doubt that, as repression goes on in its mad 
career, the reign of terrorism will overtake the 
whole of this unhappy land. But whether the 
campaign is conducted on civilised or uncivilised 
lines, so far as I can see, there is only one way 
open to Non-co-operators, indeed I contend, even 
to the people of India. 

On this question of the right of holding 
public meetings and forming associations, there 
can be no yielding. We have burnt our boats 
and we must march onward till that primary 
right of human beings is vindicated. 




Let me make my own position clear. I am 
most anxious for a settlement. I want a round 
table conference. I want our position to be 
clearly known by everybody who wants to 
understand it. I impose no conditions, but, when 
conditions are imposed upon me prior to the 
holding of a conference, I must be allowed to 
examine those conditions and if I find that they 
are suicidal, I must be excused if I don't accept 
them. The amount of tension that is created 
can be regulated solely by the Government of 
India, for the offensive has been taken by that 


The Indian National Congress 

29th December 1921. * * 

There is nothing in this resolution, which 
any one who has modesty and humility need be 
ashamed of. This resolution is not an arrogant 
challenge to anybody, but this is a challenge to 
an authority that is enthroned on arrogance. It 
is a challenge to the authority, which disregards 
the considered opinion of millions of thinking 
human \ beings. It is an humble challenge, and 
an irrevocable challenge to authority, which in 

order to save itself wants to crush freedom of 
opinion, freedom of forming associations, the 

two lungs that are absolutely necessary for a 
man to breathe the oxygen of liberty. And if 
there is any authority in this country, that wants 
to curb the freedom of speech and freedom of 
association, I want to be able to say, in your 
name from this platform, that that authority 
will perish, and that authority will have to re- 
pent before an India that is steeled with high 
courage, noble purpose and determination, till 
every man and woman who chose to call them- 
selves Indians are blotted out of the earth. It 
combines courage and humility. * 




This book is due on the last date stamped below, or 

on the date to which renewed. 
Reneweibooks ajre subject to immediate recall. 

te <OC7 9, ft 

5 1967 3 ] 

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